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Agency and selfhood at stake

theory posits that actors always have choices, no matter how restricted; ‘agent-centred’ morality proposes a novel twist on both traditional Kantian internalist categories and a useful political starting point for taking agents’ conscious moral choices seriously. 2 In this chapter, we address the problems of both male and female witches’ agency and selfhood. Issues of agency and resistance are not

in Male witches in early modern Europe

In 1997, Stuart Clark published the first monograph since the time of Jules Michelet to focus on pre-modern ideas about witches. The language of belief in witchcraft studies betrays an anachronistic, modernist and dismissive approach to a mental universe quite different from our own. This book makes the male witch visible, to construct him as a historical subject, as a first step toward a deeper understanding of the functions and role of gender in pre-modern European witch-hunting and ideas about witches. The overtly political dimension to the study of witches in early modern Europe demands a high level of consciousness and reflexivity regarding language, representation, and meaning. William Monter provides a wealth of data about male witches, in an 'unremarkable province' close to 'the heart of northern and western Europe'. Here, men comprised the majority of those tried and executed for witchcraft. The book examines cases in which men were accused of witchcraft. The examples are drawn from several different regions, in order to test conventional generalisations about male witches. The agency theory posits that actors always have choices; 'agent-centred' morality proposes a novel twist on both traditional Kantian internalist categories. The problems of both male and female witches' agency and selfhood are discussed. The book also presents data compiled from ten canonical works, and a brief discussion of demonological illustrations. Finally, it addresses the question of what it means to label a man as a witch within a framework that explicitly and implicitly feminised witchcraft.

Mary Warnock, embryos and moral expertise

wrote PhDs on political violence and civil disobedience. And the increasingly practical interests of PhD and undergraduate students, in turn, also encouraged senior figures such as Hare to write on the morality of subjects such as war and slavery.29 Despite her enthusiasm for practical philosophy, Mary Warnock left Oxford just as this approach was making inroads. While she enjoyed teaching philosophy, Warnock considered herself an ‘entirely unoriginal thinker’ and ‘not much good at the subject’.30 Having come to believe that her ‘natural habitat was school, not

in The making of British bioethics

idea of Whig mythology that George III had ambitions of autocratic monarchy is complete nonsense. The myth that his mother Augusta, Dowager Princess of Wales, Chap 1 19/8/02 11:41 am Page 3 The parameters of politics 3 urged her son, ‘George, be a King’, with the implication that she meant a monarch in the German tradition, has long been exploded. Historian Sir Lewis Namier joked that she was referring to his table manners. His mother’s successful endeavour was to instil in her eldest son, though not his brothers, the virtues of religion and morality.6 George

in George III
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Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain

that made pacifist ideas fundamentally useful for feminism. Because both theories could be based upon arguments about the (mis)use of power and the importance of morality, and both could accommodate a wide range of political perspectives, many feminists during the early phase of the movement were attracted to pacifist rhetoric and principles. As a prominent, but hitherto neglected, aspect of the Victorian women’s movement, it is important to understand why many feminists employed peace arguments, often relying upon the construction of femininity as passive and even

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’

’Hohendorf to Harley. It would be difficult to overemphasise the importance of this moment, not just for national politics, but for the balance of power across Europe, and the perceived survival of Protestant liberty. This diplomatic crisis was a distillation of all the anxieties that confronted men like Toland – the security of the Protestant succession, the defence of true liberties in Church and State, the triumph of reason over superstition, and the war against popish priestcraft – ultimately rested on the shoulders of Eugene and d’Hohendorf. Entertaining Eugene and his

in Republican learning

promotion of self-reliance among the poor would undermine the social order, and as such could not provide the basis of a concerted assault on slavery. Slavery, however, provided a sufficiently remote test bed for Protestant morality since, unlike the poor law, it was an institution that could be challenged without the same threat to domestic social and political relations. 24 Quakers in Britain were the shock

in The other empire

the face of increasing secularisation. Ramsey and other theologians did not claim that interdisciplinary debates were necessary because procedures such as IVF raised unprecedented moral dilemmas. They instead believed that IVF touched on longstanding moral questions such as ‘respect for life’, but argued that collaboration was needed because these questions had become hard to resolve in secular societies that lacked ‘a common morality’.2 Crucially, these theologians emulated their predecessors by positioning themselves as ancillaries to doctors. They did not

in The making of British bioethics
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Introduction What is bioethics? Recent decades have witnessed profound shifts in the politics of medicine and the biological sciences, in which members of several professions now consider issues that were traditionally the preserve of doctors and scientists. In government committees and organisations such as the General Medical Council, professional conduct is determined by a diverse group of participants that includes philosophers, lawyers, theologians, social scientists, doctors, scientists, healthcare managers and representatives from patient or pressure

in The making of British bioethics

period 1303 to 1311 the accusations against the pope developed and became more elaborate until the legal processes, first against the person of the pope and then against his memory, were abandoned following a political agreement. The posthumous stages of the whole affair were soon very largely forgotten, indeed became shrouded in secrecy as an embarrassing episode in both papal and French history,2 but the conflict during the last stages of Boniface’s life, beginning in 1301 and culminating in the attempts to bring him to trial in 1303, produced masses of documentation

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700