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Editor’s Introduction

even those inspired by anti-communism were cautious about structural integration into Western security strategies. At the beginning of the 1990s, NGOs shrugged off their scepticism for the morality of state power, working more closely with Western military forces. Private and government funding for humanitarian operations increased. With the help of news media, humanitarian agencies boosted their political capital, presenting themselves as providers of public moral conscience for the West. A new political economy of humanitarian aid developed

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

issue for contemporary humanitarian action. This article is thus an historically informed contemplation on the political function of IHL and what we can expect from it. The Soldier, the Legal Expert and the Rescuer Let us begin with the first Geneva Convention, the starting point of contemporary IHL; it was signed on 22 August 1864 1 and did not even mention the word ‘humanitarian’. In ten articles occupying two pages, its subject (as reflected by its title) was ‘the amelioration of the condition of the wounded in armies in the field’. It can be summarised in just

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

Introduction Drawing its energy from the wave of New Left and counter-cultural radicalism of the 1960s ( Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005 ), an NGO-led direct humanitarian action pushed onto the international stage during the 1970s. The radicalism of this new anti-establishment sans frontières humanitarianism lay in its political challenge to the conventions of Cold War sovereignty. By being there on the ground it sought to hold sovereign power to account, witnessing its excesses while professing a face-to-face humanitarian solidarity with its

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

literature to identify likely explanations for the distinction between staff security and civilian protection, which I assess in order to argue that differential political constraints and opportunities are a key factor driving the differences between the two fields of practice. This article also builds on academic literature on the negative impacts of existing staff-security strategies on humanitarian action and on the limits of humanitarian approaches to the protection of civilians (see, for example, Bradley, 2016 ; Duffield, 2012 ; Fast, 2014 ; Ferris, 2011

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism

movements most hostile to the West and the Arab–Israeli peace process. It is true that when existing threats, violence and instability are related to Islamic movements there is a need for security studies to inquire into this issue. In redefining security in the Middle East after the end of the Cold War while also focusing on the peace process, we cannot escape looking at the events in which political

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)

Humanitarian Crisis ( Washington, DC : The Brookings Institute/Cambridge, MA: The World Peace Foundation , 1996 ); S. Moeller , Compassion Fatigue: How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War and Death ( London and New York : Routledge , 1999 ); L. Boltanski , Distant Suffering: Morality, Media, and Politics , trans. G. Burchell ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

understand how morality can be built in the space of consumption. 59 As Barnett et al. note, we need to speak of everyday consumption practices as ‘ordinarily ethical’, as practices through which we construct a life through negotiating practical choices about routine consumption. 60 While it is clear that childhood consumption requires a unique model of political consumerism, it also provides an important opportunity to explore a

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Journalism practice, risk and humanitarian communication

. Notes 1 L. Boltanski , Distant Suffering: Morality, Media and Politics , trans. G. D. Burchell ( Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 1999 ); L. Chouliaraki , The Ironic Spectator: Solidarity in the Age of Post-Humanitarianism ( Cambridge : Polity Press , 2013 ); S. D. Moeller , Compassion Fatigue: How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

4 Claims to legitimate authority and discursive attacks We don’t believe in the authorities anymore. When you say … ‘there, that’s the new administrator, everyone may clap but with a certain mockery …’ Him also, what is he going to do? (Peasant Union Member (no. 151) 2010) We could wonder about the role of that whispered language within the political system of unanimity. It is, to my mind, a way of softening the overwhelming and restrictive official language in order to make it more bearable; it is an antidote. Irony and humour are the weapons of the powerless

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

laboratory for investigation of the dynamic between gender and security. Because of the protracted conditions of warfare in many Middle Eastern states, gender roles are structured to a great extent by the exigencies of the national security agenda throughout that region, and hence the predominance there of the military in political decision making. States in the Middle East are characterized by unsettled

in Redefining security in the Middle East