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Discourses, contestation and alternative consumption

chap 8 13/8/04 4:24 pm Page 176 8 The political morality of food: discourses, contestation and alternative consumption Roberta Sassatelli Anthropology and sociology have been keen to show that consumption is a social and moral field, and that consumer practices are part of an ongoing process of negotiation of social classifications and hierarchies. Food consumption in particular has been associated with symbolically mediated notions of order (Douglas and Isherwood 1979). We know that particular foods are identified with annual festivities, set apart for

in Qualities of food
Open Access (free)

This book explores the new applications of established theories or adapts theoretical approaches in order to illuminate behaviour in the field of food. It focuses on social processes at the downstream end of the food chain, processes of distribution and consumption. The book reviews the existing disciplinary approaches to understanding judgements about food taste. It suggests that the quality 'halal' is the result of a social and economic consensus between the different generations and cultures of migrant Muslims as distinct from the non-Muslim majority. Food quality is to be viewed in terms of emergent cognitive paradigms sustained within food product networks that encompass a wide range of social actors with a wide variety of intermediaries, professional and governmental. The creation of the Food Standards Agency (FSA) and the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) occurred at a juncture when perceptions of policy failure were acknowledged at United Kingdom and European Union governmental levels. The book presents a case study of retailer-led food governance in the UK to examine how different 'quality logics' actually collide in the competitive world of food consumption and production. It argues that concerns around food safety were provoked by the emergence of a new food aesthetic based on 'relationalism' and 'embeddedness'. The book also argues that the study of the arguments and discourses deployed to criticise or otherwise qualify consumption is important to the political morality of consumption.

immigration control in a more impressive light than the one that transpired. ‘Performance politics’, as discussed in the previous chapter, requires the state to put on convincing public displays that the ‘audience’ finds compelling. The performance of the border as a space of fear and potential violence has to infiltrate the public sphere, in this case with the help of the local media. While the performance politics of raids work to spread fear, this

in Go home?

). 11 A. Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 274–308. 12 C. Douzinas, Human Rights and Empire: The Political Philosophy of Cosmopolitanism (Abingdon: Routledge-Cavendish, 2007). 13 J. Habermas, ‘Bestiality and Humanity: A War on the Border Between Legality and Morality

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

. Said’s is the most ambitious and methodologically eclectic of the three works, concerned as it is with the novel’s dynamics of spatial movement, its ideological systems of morality and aesthetics, its characters’ trajectories and its materialist contextualisation through contemporary Caribbean political and economic processes. At the same time Said pursues an argument about the function of Austen’s novel in enabling subsequent material practices of imperialism. This ambitiousness contributes an admirably broad cultural understanding of imperialism. It also creates

in Postcolonial contraventions
David Lloyd’s work

chapter7 21/12/04 11:19 am Page 127 7 Theorising race, racism and culture: David Lloyd’s work My focus here is an important and influential article by postcolonial scholar David Lloyd, ‘Race Under Representation’, published in the 1991 ‘Neo-Colonialism’ issue of Oxford Literary Review.1 Lloyd sets out to explain ‘how the meshing of racial formations can take place between various levels and spheres of social practice, as, for example, between political and cultural spheres or between the individual and the national level’ (p. 63). A central argument of his

in Postcolonial contraventions
Critique and utopia in Benita Parry’s thought

chapter11 21/12/04 11:28 am Page 164 11 You can get there from here: critique and utopia in Benita Parry’s thought Benita Parry is justly acclaimed as an exemplary demystifier – the thinker who has provided unsurpassed critiques of the neo-colonial elements that lurk in the work of some postcolonial critics and creative writers. Less acclaimed are the affirmative, even utopian elements of Parry’s intellectual project. Her writings, from imperialism to postcolonial theory to resistance, articulate optimistic belief in the achievability of political solidarity

in Postcolonial contraventions
Sol Plaatje and W.E.B.Du Bois

understand why South Africa should be so Godforsaken, as far as her political and industrial morality is concerned.8 Plaatje’s perception of African-American achievements here develops from his observation of the national specificity of the USA. Admire African Americans as he does, Plaatje admires even more the objectively superior social, educational and economic opportunities that the USA as a country supplies its black citizens. As he sees it, these material conditions supply the possibility for Negro accomplishment. That he feels inspired by African Americans’ example

in Postcolonial contraventions

2 Marx's defence of Jewish emancipation and critique of the Jewish question The Jew … must cease to be a Jew if he will not allow himself to be hindered by his law from fulfilling his duties to the State and his fellow-citizens. (Bruno Bauer, Die Judenfrage ) 1 The Jews (like the Christians) are fully politically emancipated in various states. Both Jews and Christians are far from being

in Antisemitism and the left
Open Access (free)

against the indigenous peoples or for acts of violence by the great powers when conquering neighbouring territories, as in the case of Russia in the Caucasus and central Asia. Such acts were not even acknowledged by the governments in question. As Mowat had put it: ‘Civilized Governments do not openly acknowledge themselves to be bandits or plunderers; they can always put forward a “case” in their favour. This they do … partly because, for political reasons, they do not wish

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century