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might develop the phrase with which the anti-essentialist geographer David Campbell ( 1999 ) summarises his critique of the linkage between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that enshrined it: ‘apartheid cartography’. The mode of indifference might not even comment on its association between the spatial politics of violence and ethnicity in post-Yugoslav Bosnia-Herzegovina and those of violence and racialisation in apartheid South Africa. The mode of analogy might

in Race and the Yugoslav region

in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has very recently come into view in scholarship ‘between the posts’ (Chari and Verdery 2009 ) of postsocialism and postcolonialism as an explanation for its ambiguities within global raciality. The autonomous foreign policy and Marxist ideology that Yugoslav Communists sought after the 1948 Tito–Stalin split led Yugoslavia to become a founder member of this self-declared geopolitical third force that emerged from the 1955 Bandung conference of anti-imperialist African and Asian states. Recovering Non-Alignment as a topic of

in Race and the Yugoslav region

poverty of neo-liberalism Nobody in the political mainstream speaks out against capitalism today. Opposition to free markets is seen as naive – or a proof of ignorance of the laws of economics. Hibernating or moribund Marxists of a Gramscian hue may talk about a ‘hegemonic project’, others – however reluctantly – may admit to Fukuyama’s thesis of the ‘End of History’ (Fukuyama 1992); that world history, ideologically speaking, has ended, that liberalism has triumphed. Scores of reports trumpet the virtues of the prevailing system of market capitalism – and are followed

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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An introduction

one hand, such theoretical interventions have derived support from critiques of a subject-centered reason and a meaning-legislating rationality, critiques that have thought through the dualisms of Western thought and post-Enlightenment traditions. On the other, critical discussions of cultures and pasts have equally challenged the analytical antinomies of modern disciplines, interrogating

in Subjects of modernity
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Antinomies and enticements

modernity’s oppositions but without reifying them, to think through the enchantments of modernity yet without attempting to exorcise them. Indeed, my arguments do not propose a general solution to the oppositions and enchantments of modernity. Thus, I eschew readings that relentlessly seek foundations of such oppositions and enchantments in Enlightenment principles and post-Enlightenment traditions, only to

in Subjects of modernity
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Identities and incitements

nation in the looking glass of Europe. In particular, by drawing on yet reworking European democratic and republican traditions and Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment principles, middle-class nationalist endeavors and identities translated and transformed the ideals of the sovereign nation and the images of the free citizen through forceful filters of the subjugated homeland and the colonized

in Subjects of modernity
Rousseau’s and nationalism

which had been unknown a couple of centuries before. Elie Kedouri observed – perhaps not entirely accurately – that ‘Nationalism is a political doctrine invented in Europe at the beginning of the Nineteenth Century’ (Kedouri 1960: 1). This might have been an exaggeration but Kedouri had a point. Nationalism is not only regarded as a relatively recently established ideology, it is also regarded as a fatherless doctrine, without the illustrious intellectual ancestry which characterises socialism, liberalism, and even conservatism. Nationalism, it is asserted, lacks a

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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principle may provide some support for a global demos, Miller aims to limit its scope in two ways. First, he regards AAI as grounding at best a substantive right to ex post justification of decisions rather than an ex ante procedural right to representation in the deliberation about the decision. Second, he limits the material scope of externally affected interests that deserve a justification to those covered by a Global Harm Principle (GHP) that

in Democratic inclusion
Rousseau as a constitutionalist

‘intimidation [and] election tricks’, it is still widely asserted that Rousseau – through guilt of association – can be condemned and convicted for promoting a doctrine of the ‘general will’ which in ‘itself poses a threat to individuals who might find themselves at odds with that [general] will’ (Barry 1995: 51). Even writers sympathetic to Rousseau admit that his allegedly totalitarian theory (Barker 1948) ‘required heavy doses of civic education’ (Shklar 1988: 267); not exactly a ringing endorsement at a time when liberalism (in different guises) has become all but an

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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A pluralist theory of citizenship

confront the authorities of the state that takes a contested decision. Moreover, the mechanisms of intergovernmental representation of externally affected interests operate in most cases only ex post rather than in the run-up to the decision and thus do not satisfy the condition that actually affected interests must be heard before a decision is taken. If inclusion of affected interests is a requirement of democratic legitimacy, then the flaws

in Democratic inclusion