, though, liberal values which stressed self-reliance rather than state intervention continued to influence policy throughout the post-war period.
The apparent shift from post-war settlement to neo-liberalism under Thatcher is an attractive but, as Peter Kerr has put it, ‘ultimately misleading’ picture of twentieth-century British social and economic policy.
As this chapter has shown, even in the immediate post-war period British governments were reluctant to extend
devoid of balance, ravaged instead by the failed ideologies of nationalism, imperialism, communism, capitalism, fascism and liberalism. Following previous historical periods that Hobsbawm had referred to in turn as the age of revolution (1789–1848), the age of capital (1848–75) and the age of empire (1875–1914), the short twentieth century was extreme in two ways.
On the one hand, it was marked by oscillating moods and events ranging from early twentieth-century catastrophe, through a golden age in the decades after
diabetes were as numerous as those from all infectious diseases put together’ during the 1930s, and estimates of the condition's prevalence rose steadily over the post-war period. 3 Likewise, medical professionals regularly referred to increases in workload and escalating consultations for the disease during the 1970s and 1980s; new technologies and understandings of risk management had extended the boundaries of treatment, whilst greater life expectancy and disease detection buttressed changes of demography, employment, leisure, and diet that probably underpinned
, neoliberal critiques first emerged in the 1930s and 1940s. 15 At this time, a small number of economists and political philosophers reacted against what they saw as a crisis of liberalism, in which liberal governments created mechanisms for securing individual freedom (from disease or old age) by collectivising social risks. 16 Faced with post-war planning and destructive totalitarian regimes, neoliberal theorists sought to rethink liberalism, and recast state interventions in social and economic realms as a risk to the individualised self-determination supposedly at the
rationally planned and integrated care raised during post-war reconstruction were not realised in the ways envisaged by policy-makers.
Taking the gap between vision and practice as its starting point, this chapter analyses the ways in which diabetes management intersected with changing healthcare structures and emergent notions of chronicity during the two decades after 1945. Beginning with an overview of disease management strategies in the 1940s, it traces how the creation of the NHS confirmed diabetes as a hospital condition, one closely connected
the post-war period, we so far know very little about how these therapeutic ideologies were promulgated.
What were the cultural platforms and processes by which relaxation discourse reached different populations? Who were the practitioners and what were the sites, modes and methods of teaching and learning relaxation? Moreover, what did relaxation teaching entail, why and to whom did it appeal, and how did it impact on modern formations of selfhood? Through a focus on Britain from the 1950s to the late 1970s, this
Paul Greenough, Stuart Blume and Christine Holmberg
decolonisation, the Cold War, the rise of economic neo-liberalism and recent
geo-political shifts. This collection gives a comparative overview of
immunisation at different times in widely different parts of the world and
under different types of political regime.
Five of the chapters are set in the last fifty years. 3 Four others pay particular
attention to the development and manufacture of vaccines, because the capacity
, came from the medical ‘whistleblower’ Maurice Pappworth.
Born Maurice Papperovitch in 1910, before his family changed their
name in the 1930s, Pappworth claimed that anti-semitism prevented
him from obtaining consultant positions in London after he graduated from the University of Liverpool in 1932.152 Rather than take
a ‘peripheral’ hospital post, he decided to earn a living by tutoring
junior doctors looking to pass the diploma that controlled entry to
the Royal College of Physicians (RCP). It was here that Pappworth
learned of questionable research practices
establishment of a framework for children’s rights that was
not exclusionary but in fact encompassed rights to education and
social care for all children, regardless of their mental state. This
generated new ideas about who could be accepted and incorporated
into a new model of society.
The 1960s was also a decade in which increased
liberalism about social norms finally began to permeate
sociology of the 1960s was focused on the study of everyday life and
interaction, the normal population rather than the deviant classes
of the previous generation of sociological investigation. As Savage
has pointed out, it represented a political movement in that it
sought to present a new perspective on social interaction, a new
vision of society. Post-1962, British