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Dominant approaches

communications. The idea of a neutral public service, for example, is part of a different battle, and it carries a different significance in China from that which it has in Canada, while an emphasis on standard setting may have a different resonance in post-apartheid South Africa than it does in Bonn. Technocratic liberalism and its search for global norms may be unable to provide the approaches necessary in order to engage with the ‘historical specificities and community contexts that define human roles’ (Kothari, 1991: 27) and in which abuse is often embedded. The task is

in Human rights and the borders of suffering

10 Recognition in the Struggle against Global Injustice Greta Fowler Snyder Introduction State-specific solutions are necessarily inadequate to the task of effectively addressing the many global issues that humans face today – environmental damage, the ravages of neo-liberalism, violence against

in Recognition and Global Politics
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slightly lower vote-share in 1997 than in 1992). Ashdown had hopes that Blair would invite him to take a cabinet post, as a symbol of cross-party co-operation, but the large size of Labour’s majority dissuaded Blair from doing this. Ashdown did obtain the creation of a cabinet committee to deal with constitutional issues, upon which the Liberals had representation, and the appointment of a Commission to examine the case for some kind of

in The politics today companion to West European Politics

this only changed after the second Ba’th regime, which seized power in a 1968 coup, finally found a workable power formula. First, the Ba’thist leadership, a product of a decade of unrestrained power struggle, was convinced that only utterly ruthless treatment of opponents could defeat the natural rebelliousness of Iraqi society. Moreover, the man who survived the post-1968 power struggles within the regime, Saddam Hussein, an urban guerrilla turned Stalin-like organiser, was arguably the ‘fittest’ to survive in this environment. To consolidate his position, he

in The international politics of the Middle East
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The international system and the Middle East

–66). Formation of the post-Ottoman successor states The collapse of the empire opened the way for the establishment of a Western-style states system in the region: boundaries were drawn, for the most part by Western imperial powers, but indigenous forces attempted to fill the vacuum as well and their success or failure put Middle Eastern states on very different paths. In the Turkish-speaking Anatolian heartland of the empire, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a military hero of the collapsed empire, revived the Young Turk movement and the

in The international politics of the Middle East
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neutral during the war and was outside the ambit of the reconstruction programmes for the devastated victors or vanquished. Portugal was also one of the poorest countries in post-war Europe – ‘the South of the North’ – and so clung to the economic potential of its colonial territories, particularly those in Africa, and to the dreams of imperial greatness they symbolised. East Timor itself, however, offered little economic benefit. The half-island had been devastated by the battle between occupying forces during the war (with 40,000 East Timorese dead and extensive

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Meanings, Limits, Manifestations

how post-Hegelian recognition theory can enrich our understanding of international, global or world politics over and above matters of global redistribution – while nevertheless acknowledging the importance of problems of economic justice in today's globalized world. Our research explores new dimensions of the recognition–international nexus that move the conversation into original, critical analyses

in Recognition and Global Politics
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the anthropologist’s single gaze. This is another enactment of existence according to the terms of a ‘Western’ epistemic framework. Meanwhile, following the waves of post-war decolonisation, the plethora of new states at all stages of development have been straining the state system, pulling farther apart the dual poles of uniformity and particularity that have contributed to defining that system, and so (as Hedley Bull pointed out in 1977) rendering the sociality of relations between states increasingly problematic. While certainly drawing on

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)

Turkey’s relations with Russia Past history and present interests combined to transform Turkey’s relationship with Russia at the end of the twentieth century into a complex affair fraught with contradiction. The lengthy, intricate, conflict-ridden rivalry between the Ottoman and Russian empires, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and between the Soviet Union and Turkey, in the twentieth, had left its mark on the relationship between modern-day Turkey and post-communist Russia. The two countries feared yet

in Turkey: facing a new millennium

rather romanticised and arguably ethnocentric presentation of the students. The milder analyses (e.g. by Andrew Nathan and Marie-Claire Bergere) have argued that few, if any, of the students or pro-democracy intellectuals in China conceived of government in a form bearing much resemblance to that of Western liberalism. The more acerbic commentaries have in general focused on two factors: first, the immediate, concrete nature of the students’ concerns coupled with their lack of intellectual or practical grasp of what their slogans of ‘freedom’ or ‘democracy’ might

in Human rights and the borders of suffering