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Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign

place’ needs, instead, to be understood as the articulation of two distinct, yet related, observations about the nature of organised violence in the new world order. Or, as this term is by now consigned to the dustbin of history, the post-Cold War order ( perhaps best abbreviated as PoCoWO). Both observations are relevant for the critical engagement with ‘war’ beyond the case of the Gulf War. As I

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Problematising the normative connection

W IDESPREAD INTRA-STATE CONFLICT is not a new phenomenon. Its rise to the centre of attention in international policy circles is. UN involvement in intra-state conflicts is not new either. What is new is the increasing systematisation of UN involvement in conflict-torn societies. It is these two novelties of the post-Cold War world that shape the main concerns of this study. What is problematised

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
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Redefining security in the Middle East

parts were defined, for the most part, by the nation state as it developed historically in Europe and was institutionalized through the hegemony of academic and policy-oriented elites in the United States in the post-Second World War era. These Eurocentric and, later, American hegemonic origins were developed as a field of study by, first, realist ( Morgenthau, 1973 ; Carr, 1964 ) and, later, neorealist ( Walt, 1987 ; Waltz

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

junctures in post-1945 world politics, each reflecting different power and value configurations. A quick examination of the period since World War II suggests that two patterns of global conflict were especially significant for the UN’s evolution. The first, situated along the East–West divide, is commonly known as the Cold War. The second involves the confrontation between North and South, which is less

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

The Agenda for Democratisation emphasises that although ‘interrupted by the Cold War’, democratisation in accordance with the spirit of the UN Charter is also about ‘the project of democratic international organisations.’ 18 ‘A supportive international environment for democracy’ requires, in the post-Cold War situation and the context of globalisation

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Israel and a Palestinian state

powerful explanations. Dissatisfaction with realism and liberalism led to the development of alternative approaches to conceptualizing national security (see Walt, 1998 ; Katzenstein, 1996 ). 4 One of these third approaches has been favoured by scholars of developing-world international politics, who are aware of the inadequacies of the

in Redefining security in the Middle East

, President Woodrow Wilson subsequently failed in his efforts to persuade the Senate to ratify US participation in the post-war League of Nations. The introspective stance was by no means uncontroversial inside the US in the period between the two world wars. These years were characterised by a ‘great debate’ between so-called ‘isolationists’ on the one hand and ‘internationalists’ on the other. In addition

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

Parliament, a High Court judge, held other influential posts, and was a close friend of William Gladstone, whom he influenced on matters of international politics, especially with regard to intervenition on behalf of Christians in ‘Mohametan’ states like the Ottoman Empire. 63 Writing in 1854 64 he argued that ‘International Comity, like International Law, can only exist in the lowest degree among Independent States; in its next degree among Independent Civilized States, and in its highest

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

Nation and editor-in-chief of the New York Evening Post ), Carnegie and the major labour union leader Samuel Gompers (President of the American Federation of Labor). Included were top intellectuals, such as philosophers William James, John Dewey and Felix Adler, sociologist William Graham Sumner, medieval scholar Charles Eliot Norton, social reformer David Starr Jordan and the foremost writers of the day, including Mark Twain (see his essay ‘To the Person Sitting in

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century