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Aspirations to non-racism

contemporary meanings of ‘race’, racism and post-­racialism before the understanding of what constitutes racism and what it means to be racist is explored in the narratives of EDL activists. Notwithstanding the argument that hostility towards Muslim minorities constitutes a ‘new racism’, however, the exploration of attitudes to Islam among EDL supporters is postponed until the following chapter in order to allow a detailed and discrete discussion. ‘Race’: buried alive or artificially resuscitated? How can the EDL appear a blatantly ‘racist organisation’ to those outside it

in Loud and proud

problematic in ways that have not proved possible for post-​colonial studies in the humanities. But metropolitan social science is also implicated in post-​imperial political, economic and structural forms of domination (Connell, 2007). By invoking a macro-​sociological level of analysis of global inequalities, post-​colonial sociology pinpoints the problematics of power that figure in a challenge to the epistemological foundation of metropolitan sociology. The field also claims considerable critical purchase in critiques of power at the meso-​sociological and micro

in Debating civilisations

theories which in a sense rationalized that situation, which said that this was the way the cultural order worked, this was the way in which the ideology distributed its roles and functions. The whole project was then radically diverted by these new forms of idealist theory.10 (For Williams, structuralism’s problematic formalism and pessimism recur in academic post-structuralism and postmodernism.) What I want to ask is: how might Williams’s account assist our development and understanding of new cultural studies in South Africa? This leads me to question the

in Postcolonial contraventions
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FAD1 10/17/2002 5:40 PM Page 1 1 Introduction Democracy and democratisation Since the early 1970s a ‘third wave’ of democratisation has swept the world. In the period 1972–94 the number of democratic political systems doubled from 44 to 107. And by the mid-1990s 58 per cent of the world’s states had adopted democratic governments.1 These momentous developments have led political scientists to re-examine the theoretical literature on democratisation, and to compare the current transitions in the post-communist bloc with earlier transitions in Latin America

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
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Passion and politics

narrate their decision to join the EDL in terms of their experience of, or resistance to, injustice. However, post-hoc narrations cannot be equated with motivations for participation, and the emphasis on a life-changing moment in charting paths into the movement is not an accurate reflection of the longer and more multi-factorial process of joining the EDL encountered in this study. Thus, it is concluded, there is not one ‘type’ of person that is attracted to a movement like the EDL; rather decisions to start, continue and draw back from activism are set within a

in Loud and proud
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introduction 21/12/04 11:04 am Page 1 Introduction This book has evolved over nine years. The year 1993 saw the publication of my co-edited Colonial Discourse and Post-colonial Theory: A Reader, which was the first anthology of postcolonial cultural studies to appear in print.1 Since then the field has rapidly expanded into a major academic industry.2 Diaspora studies, black Atlantic studies, transnational studies, globalisation studies, comparative empire studies have emerged alongside and within the original field. My responses to the field’s developments

in Postcolonial contraventions
Analysing the example of data territorialisation

work through structural relations, or more diffuse systems of meaning, which is why the authors divide their constitutional power in more structural and productive forms. The latter ties in with post-structural and discursive power concepts. It is influenced for instance by Michel Foucault and conceives of discourse as ‘productive’, as (re)producing meaning systems and as imbued with social power

in Security/ Mobility
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’

vertical unions – means that the arena of workers’ rights consisted of elements which in turn configured some of the later legacies of the regime and post-regime period. This curious background became a focus of engagement later in relation to state resources for organised labour and questions of job classifications. This meant there was a tension between the  formal state concern with order in labour relations (pre- and post-1975) and the more decentralised realities that existed in the actual arenas of labour relations, which had to be resolved in the political domain

in Making work more equal
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(1994) had the foresight to recognise that these alternatives are not necessarily exclusive, that reflexivity and fundamentalism are both coherent responses to the risks of our ‘second modernity’ (Beck, 1992; Beck et al., 1994). This ambivalence has characterised the post-communist years, with the globalisation of deregulated markets, consumer values and western power being accompanied, first, by the mobilisation of social movements opposing corporate capitalism and then by the globalisation of insecurity, fear and revenge (Mouzelis, 2001). Yet is Giddens (1998, 1999

in After the new social democracy
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FAD10 10/17/2002 6:04 PM Page 172 10 Conclusions Article 1 of the Russian Constitution states that the Russian Federation ‘is a democratic federative rule of law state with a republican form of government’. However, as this study has shown, whilst many of the structural prerequisites of a federal state have undoubtedly been formed, a federal and democratic culture has still to emerge. Thus, as Kempton notes, ‘although Russia inherited a federal structure, it did not inherit a federal tradition’.1 Centre–periphery relations in Russia have been determined

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia