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runs throughout the chapters. How did the public fit into British public health over the post-war period? How was the public identified; and what was public about public health? These are important questions, given the centrality of the relationship between British citizens and the British government across the vaccination programme. This relationship drove the development of the vaccination schedule. As we have seen, the government had expectations of the population and, in turn, the population made demands on its government. But these demands did not remain

in Vaccinating Britain

eighty per cent coverage by December 1990, 27 in line with the UNICEF goal of Universal Child Immunization. In Nigeria, this goal was only achieved for Bacille-Calmette-Guérin vaccine (BCG) coverage. 28 The year 1990 was considered to be the high-point in national immunisation coverage. However, on 30 June, responsibility for primary health-care services was transferred to the local governments as part of a structural

in The politics of vaccination
Colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40

wanted the best:  with the ‘very best qualifications, both general and midwifery’.24 When she advertised a position in the Māori district of Te Araroa in 1912 she explained that the posting was ‘a most responsible one, the nearest doctor being fifty miles away, at Waipiro. When he is connected by telephone, it will be a great relief to the nurse. Even then, she must act on her own initiative a great deal.’25 Nurses in post underscored that sense of responsibility. Akeheni Hei sent letters to Kai Tiaki describing her experiences, starting in 1909 when she was stationed

in Colonial caring
Open Access (free)
Vaccine policy and production in Japan

:9815 (11 February 2012), p. 520. 33 Ibid . 34 Y. Tezuka, Sengō gyōsei no kōzō to dikenma: Yōbōsesshu gyōsei no hensen (The Structural Dilemma of Post-war Public Administration: Changes in Preventive

in The politics of vaccination
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health and citizens would change. 18 This interplay between citizenship and risk management is explored in greater detail in Chapter 4 . What is important in the immediate post-war era, however, is that citizens also demanded health protection from the government. The most obvious example of this is the creation of the NHS. T. H. Marshall would describe the coming of the new welfare state as an expression of social rights, a new age in which protection from hardship would be as important as equality under the law and the right to vote in previous

in Vaccinating Britain
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drug-taking communities – the government was not willing to fund and implement a routine childhood vaccination programme in the 1980s. 23 Structural reforms to the general practitioner contract could go only so far. The other major innovation of the 1980s was the introduction of MMR. Measles vaccination had remained low in comparison to other countries, including some in the developing world. WHO targets, combined with a sense of embarrassment, led to a change of approach. 24 As with multivalent vaccines in previous decades – like DTwP – the

in Vaccinating Britain
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featured in the Birmingham Post . Their children, Helen and Joanne, had become disabled after vaccinations, and they called for parents with similar experiences to join a campaign for compensation for vaccine damage. The organisation that grew from this was the Association of Parents of Vaccine Damaged Children (APVDC). 30 Fox and Lennon received letters from hundreds of parents, around two-thirds of whom blamed their children's impairment on pertussis vaccine. Despite their own children becoming disabled after the poliomyelitis vaccine, Fox chose to focus attention on

in Vaccinating Britain