Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 12 items for :

  • post-structuralism x
  • Manchester Religious Studies x
Clear All
From the ‘militant’ to an ‘immunised’ route?

random. Although these are countries with profound historical, cultural and political distinctiveness, a comparison among them will serve the purpose because these countries have all experienced the varied phenomena of extremism and political violence in past decades and all were compelled to contend with the ‘paradox of the defending democracy’. Nevertheless, it is important to be aware of an important structural difference whose impact is central in regard to the methods of operation utilised by ‘defending democracies’. Unlike the United States and Germany, Israel

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
The social sphere

governmental institutions, while consciously avoiding more controversial issues, to the adoption of liberal and even post-materialistic values into the school curricula. However, while liberal democracies continue to debate the acceptable degree of state intervention in the education process as well as the nature of the ideas taught and the methods of conveying them, the quandaries with which the non-liberal democracy must struggle are much more profound. As illustrated in the introductory chapter, one of the main features of the non-liberal democracy

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
The parliamentary arena

astray from any democratic framework. In consequence, Western countries in the post-Second World War era became somewhat apprehensive of the party institution and tended to look upon these extremist parties as a substantial threat to democracy. 3 A review of the German Basic Law drafted in the wake of the war confirms this apprehensiveness over the potential threat of radical parties and the democracy’s efforts to defend itself in the face of this threat. Section 21 of the Basic Law (Political Parties) states: 1 The political parties shall

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence

too have wished to find in the writings of the philosophes evidence for palpably modern or proto-modern developments and have ignored telling evidence that there was no ‘birth’ of public opinion as such, but rather a relatively slow evolution of its traditional form, dependent on time, place and to a degree on the circulation of printed matter. Habermas’s The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (1989) has been very influential in arguing for the emergence of a ‘public sphere’ in late Enlightenment France. According to Habermas, this ‘public sphere’ is to

in The Enlightenment and religion

social tension in society; and (4) a measure of tense personal relationships between accuser and accused. 3 While helpful, these four categories can and have been expanded and altered depending on the type of approach taken. 4 Following decades of study at the structural level of society, a more dynamic, incident-specific interpretive framework emerged in the 1960s. This approach is most closely associated with Victor Turner and did much to refine

in Witchcraft Continued

leadership for bishops throughout Europe. In reality, these expectations were not fulfilled. Most historians, as well as those contemporaries best placed to assess their bishops, present a very different picture of the post-Tridentine episcopate in France. Both contemporaries and historians have frequently drawn attention to abuses within the episcopate, predictably focusing on the exploits of infamous individuals within its ranks, such as those who converted to protestantism or who lived particularly scandalous lives. Perhaps this is inevitable, for as one leading

in Fathers, pastors and kings

post-Reformation ‘religious darkness was coming to a close’? For those Dissenters struggling against the Anglican Church and state, for Huguenots and Jansenists in France and for other religious minorities across Europe, bitter and at times bloody religious conflict and persecution were still the order of the day. From this point of view, claims about the end of the mid-seventeenth-century crisis bringing a vision of peace to Christendom should not provide legitimation for ignoring or minimizing the importance of politico-religious conflicts yet to occur in the late

in The Enlightenment and religion

the deistic philosophes is simply to accept uncritically the world as the philosophes claimed they saw it. 16 The myth of Enlightenment deism Deism, diverse in form and thus difficult to define, has generally been accepted as entailing belief in God and even of post mortem rewards and punishments. It was, however, a God usually remote from everyday human concerns. Deists thus dismissed the need for any mediation between humanity and divinity in the form of the Church and dismissed the Church’s claimed mediation as selfinterested fraud. This sort of view was

in The Enlightenment and religion

War, as scholarship began to reflect a greater interest in contemporary social conditions and issues of power imbalances between the industrialized north and the underdeveloped Meridione (south) in the developing nation-state. It was the Socialist writer Antonio Gramsci, who was imprisoned by Mussolini, who most strongly influenced the post-Second World War generation of Italian ethnologists. Gramsci’s writings on

in Witchcraft Continued
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis

’ should be defined as an ‘ethnic democracy’, as suggested by Sammy Smooha. According to Smooha, the ethnic democracy is a democratic system of government wherein rights are granted to all citizens while, concurrently, a favoured status is conferred upon the majority. It is predicated upon two conflicting principles: democracy for all and the majority’s structural subordination of the minority. The establishment of the state on these two opposing principles occasions irresolvable conflicts and dilemmas. According to democratic principles, the state

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence