Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 10 items for :

  • post-structuralism x
  • Manchester Security, Conflict & Peace x
Clear All
Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

, rather, is to examine and assess the impact of the Kosovo crisis on the continuing evolution and development of key issues relating to post-Cold War European security overall. In measuring this impact the discussions begin, logically, with the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). This was the chosen instrument through which its member states sought to achieve their objective of compelling the government of President

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

The end of the conflicts in Bosnia (1995) and Kosovo (1999) created for NATO an important place in the post-conflict ‘peace-building’ that represents a sustained effort to create a new international order in South East Europe. The idea that such peace-building efforts involve attempts to inculcate norms and values is a key feature of the process and a significant source of controversy. Just as NATO

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

, President Woodrow Wilson subsequently failed in his efforts to persuade the Senate to ratify US participation in the post-war League of Nations. The introspective stance was by no means uncontroversial inside the US in the period between the two world wars. These years were characterised by a ‘great debate’ between so-called ‘isolationists’ on the one hand and ‘internationalists’ on the other. In addition

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Pertti Joenniemi

now confirms that the concept of war is in trouble. Edward Luttwak, for example, has coined the expression of ‘postheroic warfare’ by distinguishing between traditional and novel forms of war. 4 Chris Hables Gray uses the more general term ‘postmodern war’, whereas Mary Kaldor prefers the more limited notion of ‘post-Clausewitzian war’. 5 Richard Mansbach and Franke Wilmer may be closer to

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Iver B. Neumann

state. Furthermore, in Europe, given that the European Union is a reality, the structural similarity between the traditional platforms from which the EU is being composed make for a structural conflict almost everywhere. Those who welcome globalisation also, as a rule, welcome integration, whereas those who oppose the one generally oppose the other as well. If national–post-national as the main political

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Heikki Patomäki

The Agenda for Democratisation emphasises that although ‘interrupted by the Cold War’, democratisation in accordance with the spirit of the UN Charter is also about ‘the project of democratic international organisations.’ 18 ‘A supportive international environment for democracy’ requires, in the post-Cold War situation and the context of globalisation

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Reflections in a distorting mirror
Christoph Zürcher

This is not a text about who was wrong and who was right; neither is it a text which aims to establish the true figures of those killed and displaced by Russian or NATO bombs. It is a tale of two conflicts that share some remarkable similarities and which are to some extent archetypal for our globalised post-Cold War world. It is, above all, an essay about two conflicts which are

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign
Andreas Behnke

place’ needs, instead, to be understood as the articulation of two distinct, yet related, observations about the nature of organised violence in the new world order. Or, as this term is by now consigned to the dustbin of history, the post-Cold War order ( perhaps best abbreviated as PoCoWO). Both observations are relevant for the critical engagement with ‘war’ beyond the case of the Gulf War. As I

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

moved to Phase 3 12 would have required the full consent of the NAC. There is some ambiguity about the nature of the post-Phase 2 stage of operations … our informal discussions would suggest that the formal decision to move to strategic bombing of Serbia was never put directly, in quite those terms, to the NAC. Rather, an extension of the delegation to the Secretary General

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Maja Zehfuss

contextualise the German reaction to the Kosovo war. The problem the FRG was experiencing with post-Cold War international military operations, starting with the 1991 Gulf War, is often portrayed as a tension between commitment both to anti-fascism and to pacifism. 51 This debate concerned the Greens in particular, if by no means exclusively, because they had portrayed themselves as a pacifistic

in Mapping European security after Kosovo