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Catherine Baker

suddenly ascribed ex-Yugoslavs the same status as Africans (i.e. objects of pity and mistrusted visa nationals) on to the figure of the African peacekeeper. In April 1995, negotiating a post-war UN peacekeeping mandate, the Croatian government was forced to deny reports it had insisted on no African or Asian states participating (O'Shea 2005 : 145). Bangladesh, Pakistan, India and Malaysia had been among the larger United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) contributors in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, and UNPROFOR's first commander (a public figure) was an Indian

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Introduction

What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?

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Catherine Baker

intricacies of ‘workers' self-management’, the rise of ethnopolitics in the Yugoslav public sphere in 1985–91 made studying Yugoslavia synonymous with studying ethnicity and nationalism even before the wars began. 1 The wars, and post-war ethnonationalist elites' persistence in power, tightened the bond further – as, when millions had been targeted for persecution because of ethnicised difference, they had to some extent to do. A field crossing history, anthropology, sociology and politics has debated how far twentieth-century notions of the relationship between ethnicity

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Catherine Baker

Serbian traders, since they would have had to rely on enforcement figures which were not broken down into specific enough ethnic or racial categories to prove disparate treatment of Chinese traders as a group (Chang 2013a : 169–76). Race was even more invisible beyond categories of historic ethnopolitical territorial competition in Bosnia-Herzegovina. 14 There, the Dayton Peace Agreement of December 1995 jettisoned most Yugoslav ethnonational categories, a post-war reduction of ethnic complexity to the Bosniak–Serb–Croat triangle. The state thus only collected data on

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Catherine Baker

accused – although British nationality is no guarantee of objectivity when British scholars' capacity to pick a south-east European ethnonational claim to champion uncritically while denigrating its rivals, with overtones of colonial thinking about martial and partner races, was already evident when the First World War began. Whiteness protects me from the charge of ‘identity politics’ and bias when speaking about race. If I strive for objectivity in terms of avoiding the moral equivalency of relativism while being equally critical of each post-Yugoslav national

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Catherine Baker

, meanwhile, enables black musicians in the post-Yugoslav region, and white musicians from the region working with them, to express transnational solidarities across boundaries of ‘postsocialist’/‘postcolonial’ space. The black British rapper and vlogger Smooth Deep (Nick Semwogerere), who co-founded a production company in Sarajevo, began filming rap videos with Bosnian producers in 2011: one sampled Halid Bešlić's classic newly composed folk song, ‘Sarajevo, grade moj’ (‘Sarajevo, My City’) (Hadžiahmetović 2011 ). The duo Crni Srbi (The Black Serbs), David Brkljač (a

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Catherine Baker

historiography as irrelevant to the grand narrative of superpower relations. In the history of decolonisation, however, it represents the next stage of the Afro-Asian and anti-colonial Bandung conference movement, which gathered thirty mostly African and Asian states at the first Asia–Africa Conference in 1955. 7 Their grouping exemplified the post-war ‘racial break’ (Winant 2001 : 143), framed by Gilroy ( 2000 : 273) as a ‘post-Bandung’ planetary racial politics. Tito cultivated links with powerful Bandung leaders, including

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Philip Nanton

for landing British military expeditions and reinforcements during the Brigands’ Wars. In 1763, the island was acquired by the British at the Treaty of Paris. It was declared ‘Crown property’ and sold by auction to British subjects. Some 20,000 acres were ‘given’ to one Swinburne, while another 20,538 acres were auctioned to bidders. Some 4,000 acres were bought by General

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Civilisation and wilderness

The St Vincent and the Grenadines context

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Philip Nanton

imperial intrusion, and later, the enslaved and freed population of African origin. In his post Brigands’ War euphoria after the British routed the Garifuna, for example, Charles Shepherd, chronicling the fighting, describes the Kalina as ‘children of nature’, and refers to the Garifuna at times as ‘sanguinary monsters’ and at others as a ‘doubly savage race’ (Shepherd, 1831 : 65, 22

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Intimations of modernity

Time and space

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Saurabh Dube

subaltern studies concerning temporalities came to the fore. On the one hand, the analyses within the endeavor located the actions and apprehensions of these groups as entirely contemporaneous, formatively coeval, with the time-space of the British colony and the Indian nation. Thus, in his writings about the peasant insurgent in nineteenth-century India, especially through his criticism of the notion of

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Philip Nanton

from the career of each man. Mitchell’s travel in Europe in the early 1960s contributed to creating a Cold War warrior with outspoken, anti-communist liberal political views. For example, when he was in office he was happy to be identified as ‘one of the sensible ones’ by Margaret Thatcher when he was invited to Britain on an official visit. He reminds his readers regularly that he rubs shoulders