Islam (and of people with brown and Muslim bodies crossing borders) depended on pre-9/11 Western cultural racism. Even more deeply, the history of the Second World War's North Atlantic alliance that gave NATO its founding myth itself carries a vestigial whiteness if seen in continuity with the ‘racialized peace’ already forged, Srđan Vučetić ( 2011 ) argues, by Britain and the USA (later including France) at the fin-de-siècle.
Post-Yugoslav politicians and Atlanticist commentators primarily described their militaries' roles in Iraq and Afghanistan
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
identity discourses on to somewhere which, by not sharing Britain's colonial history, also lacked Britain's insecurities about race, meant I did not even write down a citation.
Scholarship by feminist and queer writers of colour, and campaigns to decentre Eurocentrism and whiteness at UK universities, would challenge me to rethink my past work on post-Yugoslav identities, as would listening on Twitter to a philosopher of critical race theory I had first followed for her disability activism, and trying to understand what I had meant when, teaching at
incorporated larger territorial gains after the 1912–13 Balkan Wars even more systematically by settling veterans to farm land from which Muslims, Albanians and Bulgarians had been displaced. Post-1918 Yugoslavia, under Pašić, rolled this into its promised land reform. The Serbian and Yugoslav states, and at least more ideologically committed settlers, viewed this as ‘strengthening the national element’ of liberated land; it could simultaneously be called ‘internal colonization’ through settlement (Newman 2015 : 92–3), and Albanians readily identified their situation with
accused – although British nationality is no guarantee of objectivity when British scholars' capacity to pick a south-east European ethnonational claim to champion uncritically while denigrating its rivals, with overtones of colonial thinking about martial and partner races, was already evident when the First World War began. Whiteness protects me from the charge of ‘identity politics’ and bias when speaking about race. If I strive for objectivity in terms of avoiding the moral equivalency of relativism while being equally critical of each post-Yugoslav national
, meanwhile, enables black musicians in the post-Yugoslav region, and white musicians from the region working with them, to express transnational solidarities across boundaries of ‘postsocialist’/‘postcolonial’ space. The black British rapper and vlogger Smooth Deep (Nick Semwogerere), who co-founded a production company in Sarajevo, began filming rap videos with Bosnian producers in 2011: one sampled Halid Bešlić's classic newly composed folk song, ‘Sarajevo, grade moj’ (‘Sarajevo, My City’) (Hadžiahmetović 2011 ). The duo Crni Srbi (The Black Serbs), David Brkljač (a
anti-blackness remains to be seen.
Race in the German-speaking cultural area and the Habsburg Empire
If Venetian imaginaries of race are part of the Yugoslav region's ‘translation’ even though Venetian rule there ended during the Napoleonic Wars, even more significant would be those from a cultural space to which the north and west of the region were connected for centuries as Habsburg peripheries: the German linguistic–cultural area, which overspilled from Germany – the most-researched country after Britain and France in
for landing British
military expeditions and reinforcements during the Brigands’
Wars. In 1763, the island was acquired by the British at the Treaty
of Paris. It was declared ‘Crown property’ and sold by
auction to British subjects. Some 20,000 acres were
‘given’ to one Swinburne, while another 20,538 acres
were auctioned to bidders. Some 4,000 acres were bought by General
imperial intrusion, and later, the
enslaved and freed population of African origin. In his post
Brigands’ War euphoria after the British routed the Garifuna, for
example, Charles Shepherd, chronicling the fighting, describes the
Kalina as ‘children of nature’, and refers to the Garifuna
at times as ‘sanguinary monsters’ and at others as a
‘doubly savage race’ (Shepherd, 1831 : 65, 22
subaltern studies concerning temporalities came to the
fore. On the one hand, the analyses within the
endeavor located the actions and apprehensions of these groups as
entirely contemporaneous, formatively coeval, with the time-space of the
British colony and the Indian nation. Thus, in his writings about the
peasant insurgent in nineteenth-century India, especially through his
criticism of the notion of
from the career of each man.
Mitchell’s travel in Europe in the early 1960s
contributed to creating a Cold War warrior with outspoken,
anti-communist liberal political views. For example, when he was in
office he was happy to be identified as ‘one of the sensible
ones’ by Margaret Thatcher when he was invited to Britain on an
official visit. He reminds his readers regularly that he rubs shoulders