In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.
(ICG,1999c; interview with international staff, 2006).
The bombardment ended on 10 June after a negotiated withdrawal of Serbian
forces from the territory. UN Security Council Resolution 1244 left a United
Nations administration (the United Nations Mission in Kosovo – UNMIK) in
control of Kosovo pending the resolution of final status. Over 42,000 NATO
troops formed a peacekeeping force (KFOR). Serbia, de jure, retained its sovereignty over the territory and thus, technically, Kosovo remained part of the
The growth of Kosovo’s war economy
:06 Page 93
Strengthening the rule of law
reforms, and security sector reforms in particular, are now often characterised
as development issues, as opposed to security or politically motivated initiatives. The normative impetus and apparently altruistic motivation on which
the development industry rests has granted it greater legitimacy to enact
reform in areas so closely associated with a state’s sovereignty. Despite this
portrayal, these developmental reforms are used as both a carrot and a stick
by international bodies as they aim to create liberal democracies in
undermine the practicalsovereignty of a state and, under certain
circumstances, lead to its failure or break-up. The violent end to the Yugoslav
Federation and the peaceful break-up of Czechoslovakia in the 1990s are both
examples of this.
Nevertheless, the state plays a vital
role in ‘nation-building’ – the creation of a sense of
national identity on the part of its population. This can be seen in the
being a humanitarian
worker has never been so complex and dangerous. Many humanitarian narratives are fuelled
by the fears of organisations: they see their working space reduced under the joint
pressure of states increasingly asserting their sovereignty and of more frequent
security incidents due to direct targeting, all happening in the context of widespread
erosion of international norms ( Shaheen,
2016 ; Bouchet-Saulnier and Whittall,
2019 ; UN Security Council
declined ( Mair,
2013 ). While NGOs lay claim to a ‘non-governmental’ status, direct action
thrived when donor sovereignty was, paradoxically, still able to cast a shadow. Given the refugee
crisis, few can today contemplate the wretched state of ‘official’ humanitarianism
without some disquiet. Despite what we may wish or demand, however, it is unlikely that
significant improvement will occur any time soon. But to then conclude that humanitarianism is
dead would be a mistake.
While autonomous international direct action lies buried in the rubble of
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security
Daniel Maxwell and Peter Hailey
influences that prevent or limit good analysis ( Bailey, 2012 ; Buchanan-Smith
et al. , 2019 ).
Lurking in the background is the age-old humanitarian dilemma of sovereignty: do
sovereign states have the sole right to declare crises (and famines) within their
own boundaries? What is the role and obligation of the international community?
Humanitarian agencies are often caught between waiting for a government or an
‘official’ process to
questions about the very nature of the state
and sovereignty continue to dominate intellectual discussion.
Houses built on sand
A great deal of work has been undertaken on states and their claims to
sovereign power. Focusing on the Middle East, scholars including Nazih N. Ayubi,
Roger Owen, Lisa Anderson, Charles Tripp, Sami Zubaida, Fred Halliday, Philip
S. Khoury, Joseph Kostiner, Raymond Hinnebusch and Fouad Ajami (among
others) have all engaged with such projects with a variety of different conclusions.5
Although taking divergent theoretical, ontological
authoritative origin for the state. The contract is with the state, and the human rights of the individual are recognised and upheld by the duties of the state. Rights are conceived as precisely that means by which the sovereignty of the individual citizen within the state is in principle defined. But the sovereignty of the citizen rests upon the prior sovereignty of the state and its capacity to assert that sovereignty in the world. Within this language of rights the individual and the state are mutually constitutive fundamentals locked, at this level of abstraction at any
’ ire was largely the same: the state. With this in
mind, to understand the onset of the Arab Uprisings, we must begin by exploring ideas
of sovereignty and political organisation in the form of the state.
While a great deal of work has focused upon questions of (in)security, a growing
body of literature across a range of disciplines questions the centrality of the state and
the role of religion within political life. It is here where I situate this book, albeit with
a slightly different focus. The role of the state in the contemporary Middle East has