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Editor’s Introduction

humanitarian worker has never been so complex and dangerous. Many humanitarian narratives are fuelled by the fears of organisations: they see their working space reduced under the joint pressure of states increasingly asserting their sovereignty and of more frequent security incidents due to direct targeting, all happening in the context of widespread erosion of international norms ( Shaheen, 2016 ; Bouchet-Saulnier and Whittall, 2019 ; UN Security Council, 2019 ). In recent years, several

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

). While NGOs lay claim to a ‘non-governmental’ status, direct action thrived when donor sovereignty was, paradoxically, still able to cast a shadow. Given the refugee crisis, few can today contemplate the wretched state of ‘official’ humanitarianism without some disquiet. Despite what we may wish or demand, however, it is unlikely that significant improvement will occur any time soon. But to then conclude that humanitarianism is dead would be a mistake. While autonomous international direct action lies buried in the rubble of the West’s urbicidal wars

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)

In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.

undermine the practical sovereignty of a state and, under certain circumstances, lead to its failure or break-up. The violent end to the Yugoslav Federation and the peaceful break-up of Czechoslovakia in the 1990s are both examples of this. Nevertheless, the state plays a vital role in ‘nation-building’ – the creation of a sense of national identity on the part of its population. This can be seen in the USA

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Learning from the case of Kosovo

(ICG,1999c; interview with international staff, 2006). The bombardment ended on 10 June after a negotiated withdrawal of Serbian forces from the territory. UN Security Council Resolution 1244 left a United Nations administration (the United Nations Mission in Kosovo – UNMIK) in control of Kosovo pending the resolution of final status. Over 42,000 NATO troops formed a peacekeeping force (KFOR). Serbia, de jure, retained its sovereignty over the territory and thus, technically, Kosovo remained part of the Serbian state. The growth of Kosovo’s war economy Beginning with

in Building a peace economy?
Managing the criminal facets of war economies

:06 Page 93 Strengthening the rule of law reforms, and security sector reforms in particular, are now often characterised as development issues, as opposed to security or politically motivated initiatives. The normative impetus and apparently altruistic motivation on which the development industry rests has granted it greater legitimacy to enact reform in areas so closely associated with a state’s sovereignty. Despite this portrayal, these developmental reforms are used as both a carrot and a stick by international bodies as they aim to create liberal democracies in

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)

authoritative origin for the state. The contract is with the state, and the human rights of the individual are recognised and upheld by the duties of the state. Rights are conceived as precisely that means by which the sovereignty of the individual citizen within the state is in principle defined. But the sovereignty of the citizen rests upon the prior sovereignty of the state and its capacity to assert that sovereignty in the world. Within this language of rights the individual and the state are mutually constitutive fundamentals locked, at this level of abstraction at any

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
Retrieving a ‘Global’ American Philosopher

intercontinental or interregional forms of trade, production and finance that have fundamentally altered the status of the nation state and national democracy (Held 2010: 28–9).3 The primary effect of neo-liberal globalization is that ‘modern sovereignty’, where autonomous nation states exercise unquestionable authority within bounded political communities and resolve their differences with one another through reason of state and diplomacy, is said to have collapsed (Held and McGrew 2007: 211). This is because neo-liberal globalization has encouraged the deterritorialization of

in John Dewey
Open Access (free)

ground between these perspectives: the role of the judicial power and how it is interpreted is called into question. In reviewing some of the historical evidence it is clear that judges from the earliest beginnings were prepared to go beyond the plain meaning of words and take account of extraneous material. In many instances this was a practical response to the problems of interpretation, and rarely did it seem to challenge the interests of the state. In the English common law this may have 102 DISCIPLINES been because of the absence of any formal doctrine of the

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Kosovo and the Balkanisation–integration nexus

the political unit: the sovereign state. But, unfortunately for realists’ peace of mind, the contemporary European political theatre does not follow the established script of security– sovereignty written by political realism. Offhand and ad lib performances by other (f )actors have turned this European stage in a politically surreal territory in which the ontological givens of modernity have become

in Mapping European security after Kosovo