those who died ‘bad’ deaths, for example through suicide or murder, are destined to wander aimlessly as ‘hungry ghosts’ or ‘beggar
spirits’ if they are forgotten by their descendants.24 If unappeased,
these spirits can wreak havoc upon the prospects of living relatives.
To counter this, rituals have to be performed to ease their way in the
underworld. In Malaysia, Buddhist rites, Taoist rituals, Confucian
teachings, and local pagan customs have melded into a unique
Chinese religion of sorts.25 Despite this, the conduct of funeral and
post-funeral rites continue
monopolised wartime attention, while other anthropologists documented how
shifting borders and border crossings had had unpredictable effects on inhabitants’
production of identity, affiliations and moral maps in ways that often unsettled
identity markers like religion, ethnicity and nationality and their political connotations (Ballinger 2003; Pelkmans 2006). As Pelkmans (2006: 73) notes for
neighbourhoods caught up in the reconfiguration of the Turkish–Soviet border,
‘discontent focused on more subtle differences that only became obvious in faceto-face communication
Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland
is not surprising
that the genealogies and conversations I recorded described migrations across the
old border to the Ottoman territory – as in the case of the Vukičević – and uses
them to legitimise the transformation of ethnic and religious identity in the region
up to the present day.
‘This was Turkey, you know’, my interlocutors kept on repeating, highlighting
that conversion cannot undo kinship relations. Marko Karadaglić explained his
view of the conversion of the Paljević as follows: ‘They accepted this new religion,
but they remained our relatives. Their
to power plays of varying intensity, and how they call an entire society into question. These motivations may arise in connection with identity and remembrance, with
familial or collective ties, with politics, but also, let us not forget,
with religions. Studying these motives and interests, then, considerably illuminates a society’s functioning after the catastrophe and the
slow construction of a collective mourning process. These issues also
address the emergence of the symbolic and legal status of corpses, a
central point for all of the studies. They call for
The status of bodies in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge genocide
Anne Yvonne Guillou
foundation myth of the
capital, Phnom Penh, the precious pottery buried in certain locations
which, according to legend, reveals itself to human eyes in order that it
might be ‘borrowed’.
This expression has been identified by Fabienne Luco in his ongoing
doctoral thesis in anthropology.
This old woman may have been a former Khmer Rouge low-rank cadre
herself. I have not yet been able to verify this, however, because she lives
in a different village from the one where I stay and where everybody
knows each other.
C. Ang, Les Êtres surnaturels dans la religion populaire
Towards atypology of the treatment of corpses of ‘disappeared detainees’ in Argentinafrom 1975 to 1983
cultural model – in line with Hinton’s analysis of genocide in
Cambodia18 – that belonged to the nineteenth century, but was
successfully adapted to the context of the Cold War in Argentina.
The Argentine military sphere was a social space in which
Catholicism had a significance of its own,19 which went beyond its
own particular domain20 (namely a belief in the supernatural). For
the Argentine military, religion upheld a sense of social and political
order, and created a historical teleology. Thanks to the persistent
and prolonged work of the indoctrinators, the
The bodyand counter-revolutionary warfare inapartheid South Africa
, 2003); TRC,
Report, vol. 3, ch. 2; Anthony Minnaar, Conflict and Violence in Natal/
Kwazulu: Historical Perspectives (Pretoria: Human Sciences Research
Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’, p. 24.
TRC, Report, vol. 2, pp. 463–9, 605–10.
Ibid., p. 222.
5/15/2014 12:51:27 PM
Apartheid South Africa 223
Louise Flannagan, ‘Covert operations in the Eastern Cape’, in C.
Schutte, I. Liebenberg & A. Minnaar (eds), The Hidden Hand: Covert
Operations in South Africa (Pretoria: HSRC, 1998), pp. 213–22.
Ashis Nandy, ‘Coming home: religion
the flesh, and then of the
bones, as a result of a combination of biological and chemical
processes influenced by a wide variety of factors, such as climatic
conditions, the nature of the ambient environment, or human
intervention.4 Of course, the countless cultures and religions, small
or great, have always treated bodies according to special rituals, the
product of socio-cultural contexts but also of continual historical
developments. One might even say that social anthropology, as a
5/15/2014 12:51:03 PM
2 Élisabeth Anstett & Jean-Marc Dreyfus
reaction from creoles who
sought independence. The civilizing role of Christian religion and
morality and the heavy hand of the conquerors were the key tools for
making the savages of South America ‘submit’ to the Faith.12
Both interpersonal and collective violent practices are part of
contemporary South America’s oral tradition and collective imagination. The arrival of immigrants and the birth of the first labour
unions in the early twentieth century led to new conflicts and the
police disappearing some anarchists.13
Another more recent but critically important
Massacres, missing corpses, and silence in a Bosnian community
Mjesni odbor: Veliki Stjenjani, 8 August 1946.
9 Bibanović, Stanovništvo Kulen Vakufa, p. 129.
10 It appears that the Ustašas did not seriously begin to pursue a policy of
religious conversion until the autumn of 1941, once their more violent
policies towards the Serb community had provoked a Serb insurgency
that threatened the existence of the NDH. On the Ustaša policy of
forced religious conversions, see Mark Biondich, ‘Religion and nation
in wartime Croatia: reflections on the Ustaša policy of forced religious
conversions, 1941–1942’, Slavonic and