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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

the same time, despite agency growth and extensive efforts to professionalise relief work, there was little commensurate increase in effectiveness ( Fiori et al ., 2016 ). Growing risk aversion and recourse to remote management, moreover, created problems of distancing and loss of familiarity ( Healy and Tiller, 2014 ). Distracted by debt-fuelled uncertainty, rather than an indignant citizenry, Western publics now present as so many disillusioned, ironic spectators ( Chouliaraki, 2013 ). Diplomatic influence has also declined ( Mair, 2013

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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The international system and the Middle East

crisis – particularly the expulsion of Palestinian, Jordanian and Yemeni workers from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia – showed that the rich states manipulated access to capital and jobs by other Arabs for their own political ends. They were seen to deliberately replace Arab workers, who they feared might have hidden political demands and some claim to a stake in the countries where they worked, with Asian workers who were sure to return home at the end of their short-term contracts. The massive inter-Arab inequalities generated by oil make extremely

in The international politics of the Middle East

its share of production decreased from 20 per cent in 1970 to 10 per cent in 1991. Yet, in the same period that its imports had risen from 12 per cent to 50 per cent of its consumption (1970–91), OPEC had diluted the control of US MNCs over oil produced abroad. To be sure, in 1990 only about 12.5 per cent of US oil consumption was from Gulf sources and, in the short run, Iraq and Kuwait together supplied only 7 per cent of world oil demand. However, looking to the longer term, Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia controlled 40 per cent of world oil reserves. The

in The international politics of the Middle East

in the short term, this is bound to leave a more or less large segment of the public marginalised. Marginalised strata are the most likely to be attracted to sub- and supra-state identities and available for anti-system mobilisation by counter-elites: indeed, the victims of economic liberalisation appear to be among the main constituents of Islamic opposition movements. If the stronger states now in place have contained and localised the political threat of such movements, the gradual Islamisation of society at the grassroots may ultimately spell longer-term

in The international politics of the Middle East

-Qaeda forces dispersed and fled into a variety of other countries. The United States, by toppling the Taliban, removed Afghanistan as a safe haven for al-Qaeda; yet there is a very real possibility that the members of the network have found other safe havens – at least temporarily – in countries such as Somalia, Iran and Indonesia. One inadvertent – and disquieting – consequence of the United States success in Afghanistan is that al-Qaeda has been forced into becoming even a more diffused network actor. In the short term, this might inhibit its capacity to 74 2504Chap4 7

in Limiting institutions?

the interests of Rwanda and allies in the region, as well 191 Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making as to the perception that the instability of the region is primarily due to the DRC as a failed state. It is difficult to ascertain what the future of the DRC will look, but it is possible to see several transformations and continuities in the short term. Firstly, this context will be marked by a broader transformation that the entire region is undergoing, as Prunier has identified. However, the new modernising process has not only governments

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
The dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia

significant countervailing pressures within Eurasia might force Russia to consider more cooperative or issue-linked bargaining strategies that eventually are reflected in new institutional forms. However, in the short term, Russia would be more likely to favour working bilaterally with each GUUAM member (as it has with Ukraine and Moldova) to undermine institutional cohesion. It is possible that with the growing US–Russian accommodation, reflecting a common interest in combating terrorism, the historical fears of Russian hegemony in the region will be allayed – particularly

in Limiting institutions?
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

–South conflict, as we use the term, came into being in the mid-1950s when the South began to organise itself politically. In its initial period, the conflict had two major manifestations: decolonisation and non-alignment. The significant point in relation to both is that during this early phase the South defined itself vis-à-vis the North primarily in ‘negative’ terms. In other words, the southern countries

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The Marshall Plan films about Greece

moment in the long history of this relationship; they were part of one of the first post-Second World War audio-visual campaigns to promote a humanitarian cause at a transnational level. The Marshall Plan (MP) is the widely used term to describe the European Recovery Program (ERP), that is the material aid that the United States sent to the devastated economies of Western Europe to help

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

Arab regimes; in response, these regimes halted or slowed the liberalization process ( Ghadbian, 1997 ), and many adopted harsh measures against the Islamic movements, which has an oppressive effect on the rest of civil society as well (see Kienle, 1998 ). Preoccupied with the short-term, regime security remains the overriding priority for most, if not all, of the Arab states in the

in Redefining security in the Middle East