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Post-Humanitarianism

Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

Mark Duffield

restricted ( BOND, 2003 ). At the same time, despite agency growth and extensive efforts to professionalise relief work, there was little commensurate increase in effectiveness ( Fiori et al ., 2016 ). Growing risk aversion and recourse to remote management, moreover, created problems of distancing and loss of familiarity ( Healy and Tiller, 2014 ). Distracted by debt-fuelled uncertainty, rather than an indignant citizenry, Western publics now present as so many disillusioned, ironic spectators ( Chouliaraki, 2013 ). Diplomatic influence has also

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Privatisation

Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

Series:

Jenny H. Peterson

control of resources, there is little change in how resources are acquired, with power and force still characterising who is able to control key resources as opposed to processes based on equity and justice. Of course in all cases, cautious operational actors will try to minimise such capture and prevent the above scenarios from developing. However, the use of short-term control strategies is often ineffective and the long-term hope that actors will eventually ‘fall in line’ with the fundamental principles of neoliberal economics is faulty, based more on desire than

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War economy transformation

Current policy options and issues

Series:

Jenny H. Peterson

the war economy might result in immediate, short-term successes, but could lead to long-term problems as the legitimacy of the state is questioned. The use of the military in transformation is further called into question by the fact that in many cases, the militaries are themselves part of the war economy. International military actors are also known to have become entangled in political economies of violence, contributing either directly or indirectly to illicit economic activity, as discussed in forthcoming chapters. This must cause one to question the motivation

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Solutions

A Party of the 99% and the Power of Debt

Series:

Tim Di Muzio and Richard H. Robbins

promote debt and inhibit exchange. By promoting local trade, Papavasiliou (2010: 210–211) suggests, we create direct relationships between producers and consumers that protect local economies from “free trade” commodities and services that don’t reflect the social and environmental costs of production and don’t pit the benefit of cheaper prices against the long-term costs of deteriorating local economic and social conditions. These twelve points are not a magical panacea for a perfect world free of all social ills and of the vast ecological problems we face. Nor, of

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Intensification

War, Debt, and Colonial Power

Series:

Tim Di Muzio and Richard H. Robbins

the Second World War. Over time, arguably, debt has become a more effective tool of wealth transfer and social transformation than war—though, of course, the two are intertwined in complex ways as the origins of the permanent public debt in England make clear. Since we cannot hope to provide a comprehensive study in such a short volume, what we intend to do is examine what we think are some of the most insightful and significant aspects of debt being mobilized as a technology of organized differential power. We begin by examining how the imposition of imperial

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Origins

War, National Debt, and the Capitalized State

Series:

Tim Di Muzio and Richard H. Robbins

long-term national debt capable of being serviced by the ever-growing regressive taxation on the public (Dickson 1967; O’Brien 1988; Brewer 1989; Braddick 1996). But we should not theorize England as existing in isolation from the geopolitics, foreign markets, and the religious and dynastic power struggles of Europe and later, the world (Teschke 2009). As many scholars have observed, since the Norman Conquest of 1066, rulers actively centralized political power earlier than most continental nations (Wood 2002). Over time, the nobility was largely demilitarized 32

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Neil McNaughton

problems for policy makers are, therefore, how to deal with unemployment and how to finance the public debt which inevitably mounts up in a recession. It was also normal to reduce taxation at such times to try to boost consumption, so governments were able to make decisions which enjoyed short-term popularity. 3 Governments have conspicuously failed to maintain sustained periods of economic growth, at least until after 1995. Tempted by the availability of increased funds governments have tended to raise public expenditure and reduce taxation dramatically in the good

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Series:

Neil McNaughton

, nevertheless, to pay back large portions of the national debt and avoid any short-term borrowing. In some ways he sacrificed some short-term spending options, in order to meet the criteria on debt. In other words, he favoured long-term benefits at the expense of short-term gains. By 2000, therefore, Britain had achieved the criteria with a good deal to spare. Since then it has been necessary to try to ensure that the economy did not stray from the rules. Up to 2002 at least, this proved relatively comfortable. It may not always be so. The five economic tests These are

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From uniqueness to uniformity?

An assessment of EU development aid policies

William Brown

projects to a greater emphasis on funding programmes of policy reform. The Bretton Woods institutions – the IMF and the World Bank – coordinated and led this change. To an extent, the IMF had always been involved in policy conditionality in this sense, granting short-term balance-of-payments support to countries in return for commitments by the recipient to address the sources of imbalance, particularly through austerity measures. The 1980s saw this role revitalised and generalised with respect to developing countries. For the World Bank the change was more marked

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Norman Flynn

Schröder Government (1998–2002) reversed some of the cuts in pensions, sick pay and disability benefits that the Kohl government had implemented. It also tried to make some cuts of its own, most notably in the replacement rate of the standard public pension, from 70 per cent to M1738 - CALLAGHAN TEXT.indd 31 3/8/09 12:13:31 32 Social democracy in crisis 64 per cent by 2030. At the beginning of its second term the government introduced the first of the so-called Hartz reforms to the labour market. Peter Hartz, personnel director of Volkswagen, chaired a commission to