Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 17 items for :

  • short-term debt x
  • Manchester International Relations x
Clear All
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

the same time, despite agency growth and extensive efforts to professionalise relief work, there was little commensurate increase in effectiveness ( Fiori et al ., 2016 ). Growing risk aversion and recourse to remote management, moreover, created problems of distancing and loss of familiarity ( Healy and Tiller, 2014 ). Distracted by debt-fuelled uncertainty, rather than an indignant citizenry, Western publics now present as so many disillusioned, ironic spectators ( Chouliaraki, 2013 ). Diplomatic influence has also declined ( Mair, 2013

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
The international system and the Middle East

crisis – particularly the expulsion of Palestinian, Jordanian and Yemeni workers from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia – showed that the rich states manipulated access to capital and jobs by other Arabs for their own political ends. They were seen to deliberately replace Arab workers, who they feared might have hidden political demands and some claim to a stake in the countries where they worked, with Asian workers who were sure to return home at the end of their short-term contracts. The massive inter-Arab inequalities generated by oil make extremely

in The international politics of the Middle East

3.6 to 3.8. Every time you go up a point it costs us many millions and our interest on our debt’s going to go way up … money’s going to get tighter and our prosperity’s going to dip and our tax money’s going to dip, our expenses going up … we got a real serious thing on our hands’. 34 That day Britain took a $3 billion short-term loan from, as Bruce noted in his diary, ‘European central banks, the United States, and

in A ‘special relationship’?

its share of production decreased from 20 per cent in 1970 to 10 per cent in 1991. Yet, in the same period that its imports had risen from 12 per cent to 50 per cent of its consumption (1970–91), OPEC had diluted the control of US MNCs over oil produced abroad. To be sure, in 1990 only about 12.5 per cent of US oil consumption was from Gulf sources and, in the short run, Iraq and Kuwait together supplied only 7 per cent of world oil demand. However, looking to the longer term, Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia controlled 40 per cent of world oil reserves. The

in The international politics of the Middle East

was a heaven-sent gift for those Europeanists who adamantly preached that Turkey would never be able to keep up with EU standards. In 1996 Turkey had a trade imbalance of 22 billion dollars, 11 percent of its GDP. In mid-1999 the country had a domestic debt of 37 billion dollars and foreign debt of 101 billion dollars – equivalent to half its GNP. This debt is owed by Turkey to European, American and Japanese banks. The government, who desperately needs cash flow to repay its debts, continues to issue high-interest, short-run, inflation

in Turkey: facing a new millennium

), the short-lived ‘concerted action’ system of tripartite discussion about economic parameters and, more recently, the ‘Alliance for Jobs’ ( Bündnis für Arbeit ) which has renewed that system of tripartite discussions have been significant elements of the ‘German model’. The term is very similar in its meaning to the ‘Rhineland model’. [See also: co-determination; Rhineland model] Mogadishu Affair

in The politics today companion to West European Politics

in the short term, this is bound to leave a more or less large segment of the public marginalised. Marginalised strata are the most likely to be attracted to sub- and supra-state identities and available for anti-system mobilisation by counter-elites: indeed, the victims of economic liberalisation appear to be among the main constituents of Islamic opposition movements. If the stronger states now in place have contained and localised the political threat of such movements, the gradual Islamisation of society at the grassroots may ultimately spell longer-term

in The international politics of the Middle East

and had to draw heavily on their line of short-term credits’. 1 In London, after deliberations, the Prime Minister, Burke Trend (Secretary to the Cabinet), and John Silkin (Chief Whip) concluded that they should seek American help to obviate the immediate prospect of devaluation, then negotiate with the Americans ‘to see’, according to Wilson, ‘whether they would take the whole burden of the sterling balance from our backs

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)

internationalism of the UN, an orientation that can be expected to outlive the passing of UNTAET. It is perhaps too early to write a considered account of UNTAET’s term of office (although analyses are emerging), while the work of the range of UN agencies and other international organisations upon which East Timor will be to a significant extent dependent will become clearer only over time. Nevertheless, the story of East Timor’s occupation offers a warning of the dangers of inattentiveness to those now, directly and indirectly, shaping the new state. East

in Human rights and the borders of suffering

the proportion of productive capacity so allocated is very high.” 12 The roll call of Greece’s military disadvantages vis-à-vis Turkey is a long one. They include, other than those already mentioned, lack of strategic depth, lengthy and difficult to defend borders, the need to safeguard thousands of islands and islets scattered throughout Aegean, and population centers well within the range of Turkish artillery, all of which serves to tie up Greece defenses. Also Greece has inadequate road and rail networks, has only a short time to respond to

in Turkey: facing a new millennium