Demand-side abundance and its discontents in Hungary during the long 1960s

1 Consumer and consumerism under state socialism: demand-side abundance and its discontents in Hungary during the long 1960s György Péteri1 Can consumption in state-socialist societies constitute a relevant field for the student of social issues related to overflow situations? So skeptical readers may wonder, and I cannot blame them. Of course, the first thing that comes to mind when thinking about these societies is shortages rather than excesses, insufficiency rather than plenty, a lack of almost everything rather than abundance. Indeed, shortages and their

in Overwhelmed by overflows?
How people and organizations create and manage excess

This book presents studies of ways in which people and organizations deal with the overflow of information, goods, or choices. The contributors explore two main themes. The first is the emergence of overflows: What is defined as overflow? Here the notion of framing as coined by Michel Callon has guided our approach. There is no overflow until some flow has been framed; framing means defining, and defining means imposing borders. Who does it, how, and why? The answer to these questions necessitates an historical and comparative approach. What one culture defines as necessity, another may see as excess, and these differences can exist even between different levels of the same social hierarchy. The second theme is the management of overflows, in the double meaning of the term: as controlling and as coping. Coping with overflow means learning to live with it; controlling overflow requires various skills and devices. The individual chapters show the management of overflow taking place in various social settings, periods, and political contexts: From the attempts of states to manage future consumption overflow in post-war Eastern European to the contemporary economies of sharing. Other contributions focus on overflow in healthcare administration, overflow problems in mass travel and migration, overflow in digital services, and the overflow that scholars face in dealing with an abundance of research information and publications. This edited volume belongs to the transdisciplinary social sciences, and therefore it should be of interest to sociologists, management scholars, economists, historians, anthropologists, and cultural studies scholars.

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Universalism and the Jewish question

expect it, and third that it is open to contestation and rarely goes uncontested. In what may broadly be termed ‘the modern age’, the Jewish question has been as repeatedly challenged as it has been advanced: in eighteenth-century debates on Jewish emancipation, in nineteenth-century debates on the pathologies of capitalism and aims of socialism, in twentieth-century debates on antisemitism and the ‘final solution’, and in twenty-first-century debates on Zionism

in Antisemitism and the left
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Paul Gilroy’s The Black Atlantic

explanation of the relationship between the two spheres. They remain in frozen, almost mysterious association. Gilroy’s formulation arguably caters to current academic predilections for paradox, the sublime and the incomprehensible. The suggestion that certain phenomena ‘defy’ norms of explanation may encourage analytic passivity; one need not attempt to find more adequate norms. Of the many important concerns in The Black Atlantic, I want to focus on two here: Gilroy’s conceptualisation of the relations between nationalism, socialism and black identity; and the

in Postcolonial contraventions
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The discovery, commemoration and reinterment of eleven Alsatian victims of Nazi terror, 1947– 52

of Franco-​German reconciliation. The meaning of the German word, Wiedergutmachung, encompasses a wide range of acts that at their root express a desire to provide indemnification for loss. In the context of post-​1945 West Germany, the term is associated with the government’s reparations to the victims of National Socialism.7 Consequently, the starting point 142 142   Human remains in society of much of the existent historiography focusing on West Germans’ post-​war efforts to come to grips with the legacies of National Socialism is when Chancellor Konrad

in Human remains in society
Perspectives on civilisation in Latin America

version of mestizaje thought and practice reached beyond the polarities of Latin American culture in the nineteenth century. Above all, though he remained connected to universal Marxism, his thought discerned in Latin American culture living traditions to be honoured and advanced. Mariátegui’s Marxism connected the ‘Indian problem’ to the project of socialism (Mariátegui, 2007). Consequently, he viewed the Conquest as a violent rupture of pre-​Colombian civilisations, and not a civilisational advance, as Soviet Marxism would have it (Schutte, 1993: 29). In many ways, he

in Debating civilisations
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challenge it presented to the critical paradigm of the ‘empire writes back to the centre’. Rather than being reduced to a response to imperial metropolitan power, colonised and postcolonial cultures could now be understood as dialogues with other (formerly) colonised and diasporic cultures. These multiple axes have long been recognised, and analysed, within political traditions of Third World internationalism, pan-Africanism, socialism (to name a few), and within disciplines other than literary and cultural studies.24 But they were most welcome within postcolonial studies

in Postcolonial contraventions
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robustness of liberalism, socialism, feminism, etc., its possession of (a), (b) and (c) means that pragmatism is not its only feature. And yet this pragmatism is perhaps the main problem with which we have to wrestle. How do we distil what new social democrats say and do into a coherent series of ideas? Do we treat the NSD merely as a political programme? Is the NSD merely a rhetorical device that governments have TZP1 4/25/2005 4:49 PM Page 13 The long march back 13 employed in trying to square various circles? How do we name something as NSD in the first place

in After the new social democracy

to look to improvement in the behaviour of Jews as at least the first step in the struggle to do away with antisemitism. The description of antisemitism as the ‘socialism of fools’, usually attributed to the German Marxist August Bebel, was an evocative expression of Marxism's critical response to the rise of the phenomenon but was understood in some quarters as endorsing the view that antisemitism was a kind of socialism, albeit a foolish kind, and that it

in Antisemitism and the left

by his cranial formation and hair’ that he ‘descends from the Negroes who had joined Moses' exodus from Egypt’. 8 In reading this private correspondence, we may accuse Marx of bad taste or chuckle at his acerbic wit but there is no evidence that he had anything other than disdain for Lassalle's belief in physiognomy and for the authoritarian and illiberal conception of socialism of which this was part. Marx was clearly making fun of his socialist opponent

in Antisemitism and the left