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Time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe

. Despite being physically on different sides of polity borders, and over great geographical distance, migrants often retain an active part in their local village space. This locality is thus re-created ‘translocally’ (Massey 1991). However, migrants may transgress a state border ‘trans-temporally’ as well. They not only construct a transborder locality but also a time-space with which to fill it. Family ties across borders, earlier life experiences and imagining and remembering traces of alternative time-spaces all allow migrants to contest the hegemonic spatial temporal

in Migrating borders and moving times
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Crossing borders, changing times

– conceptualise the borders they have crossed or those recently imposed upon them? How are those who have crossed defined by ‘host’ populations; and with what new eyes do they view themselves in time and place, reworking their relationships to the times and spaces of both their ‘own’ and the ‘other side’? In order to answer these questions, we focus on borders that are embedded in specific political contexts, which we refer to throughout as ‘polity’ borders. These enclose and define areas controlled by national or supranational state authorities. They often appear as lines on a

in Migrating borders and moving times

’ goods was restricted and crossing the state border strictly forbidden. Many people in Albania, especially those born before the 1990s, consequently value highly goods Silenced border crossings in southern Albania 141 from beyond Albania, referring to them as ‘things from outside’ (gjëra nga jashte/ pragmata apo okso). Thus Naso boasted about the juice he served us, despite the fact that as a ‘co-ethnic Greek’ he could cross the border officially even before the liberalisation of the visa regime in Albania in 2010. The juice, along with other ‘things’ (gjëra

in Migrating borders and moving times

interest in the ‘geographies of walking’ is further informed by concerns with the politico-aesthetic conditions for negotiating and resisting scopic regimes of modern state power, largely within the urban realm (Crary 1990; Jay 1993; Pinder 2011); as a tactic capable of rendering visible a historical, relational and ‘affective geopolitics’ of state sovereignty (Sidaway 2009), and as a potentially productive pathway for charting the normative valences associated with heightened ‘mobilities’ across the social sciences (Urry 2007; Cresswell and Merriman 2011). This chapter

in Migrating borders and moving times

by F.-X. Nérard for the online Encyclopaedia of Mass Violence entitled ‘The Butovo shooting range’, at www.massviolence.org/The-ButovoShooting-Range?artpage=6 (accessed May 2014). See V. Bitioutskij, ‘Tragiceskij pamiatnik bolchogo terrora v Voroneje’, 30’ Oktiabria, 103 (2011), pp. 8–9. S. Cohen, State of Denial: Knowing About Atrocities and Suffering (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001). 01/09/2014 17:28:44 196  Élisabeth Anstett 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 C. Krmpotich, J. Fontein & J. Harries, ‘The substance of bones: the emotive materiality and affective

in Human remains and mass violence
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Borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel

, managing the ethno-national conflict, and client politics in Israel’, in Sarah S. Willen (ed.), Transnational Migration to Israel in Global Comparative Context. Plymouth, MA: Lexington Books, pp. 31–50. Rose, G. (1993) Feminism and Geography: The Limits of Geographical Knowledge. Cambridge: Polity. Rumbaut, Rubén G. (1994) ‘The crucible within: ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants’, International Migration Review, 28(4): 748–794. Sa’ar, Relly (2006) ‘Prime Minister vowed to help foreign workers’ kids, but the State wants

in Migrating borders and moving times
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence

’, and also to the complexities of the moral– emotional ‘work’ carried out in the service of crime. Regardless of one’s immediate status in the p ­ erpetrator–victim–onlooker nexus, immoral (criminal) action must be emotionally neutralized and/or cognitively reframed as con­textually acceptable, and the emotional trauma of its consequences managed in order to minimize psychological harm. HRMV.indb 81 01/09/2014 17:28:37 82  Jon Shute Serious crime is definitive of contexts of mass violence, where the rule of law collapses and agents of state control are often prime

in Human remains and mass violence
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Corpses and mass violence: an inventory of the unthinkable

Genocide: Mass Murder in ­Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); M. Shaw, War and Genocide: Organized Killing in Modern Society (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003); M. Levene, Genocide in the Age of the Nation State (London: I. B. Tauris, 2005). B. Schmidt & I. Schröder, Anthropology of Violence and Conflict (London: Routledge, 2001); A. L. Hinton & K. L. O’Neill, Genocide: Truth, Memory and Representation (Durham: Duke University Press, 2009). A. Corbin, J.-J. Courtine & G. Vigarello, Histoire du corps (3 vols) (Paris: Le Seuil, 2005, 2005

in Human remains and mass violence
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How grave robbers, activists, and foreigners ended official silence about Stalin’s mass graves near Kiev

was lifted, the state took decisions about the gravesite in haste and secrecy, without anything resembling public debate. Both the Soviet authorities and the leaders of independent Ukraine attempted to block investigation of the thousands of corpses of victims of Stalin’s pre-war and wartime terror in a forest east of Kiev, near the village of Bykivnia, which now falls under Kiev’s jurisdiction. None of the numerous German, Soviet, and post-Soviet excavations that took place intended to uncover the whole truth; in fact, the Soviet diggings erased much of the

in Human remains and identification

, either contingently so or out of principle, it was developed by and in the service of states – the modern colonial nation-state.22 These states have always been governed by certain population groups (the ruling classes, national groups whose nation-state it was) as a means for dominating other populations (the exploited masses, colonized peoples). But what has informed this discriminatory and unequal deployment of biodisciplinary power since the mid-eighteenth century (or any alternative periodization that may be suggested)? How is it decided which lives are worth

in Human remains and mass violence