Time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe
. Despite being physically on different sides of polity
borders, and over great geographical distance, migrants often retain an active part in
their local village space. This locality is thus re-created ‘translocally’ (Massey 1991).
However, migrants may transgress a state border ‘trans-temporally’ as well. They
not only construct a transborder locality but also a time-space with which to fill it.
Family ties across borders, earlier life experiences and imagining and remembering traces of alternative time-spaces all allow migrants to contest the hegemonic
Madeleine Hurd, Hastings Donnan and Carolin Leutloff-Grandits
– conceptualise the borders they have crossed
or those recently imposed upon them? How are those who have crossed defined
by ‘host’ populations; and with what new eyes do they view themselves in time and
place, reworking their relationships to the times and spaces of both their ‘own’ and
the ‘other side’?
In order to answer these questions, we focus on borders that are embedded in
specific political contexts, which we refer to throughout as ‘polity’ borders. These
enclose and define areas controlled by national or supranational state authorities.
They often appear as lines on a
was restricted and crossing the state border strictly forbidden. Many people in
Albania, especially those born before the 1990s, consequently value highly goods
Silenced border crossings in southern Albania
from beyond Albania, referring to them as ‘things from outside’ (gjëra nga jashte/
pragmata apo okso). Thus Naso boasted about the juice he served us, despite the
fact that as a ‘co-ethnic Greek’ he could cross the border officially even before
the liberalisation of the visa regime in Albania in 2010. The juice, along with
other ‘things’ (gjëra
interest in the ‘geographies of walking’ is further informed by
concerns with the politico-aesthetic conditions for negotiating and resisting scopic
regimes of modern state power, largely within the urban realm (Crary 1990; Jay
1993; Pinder 2011); as a tactic capable of rendering visible a historical, relational
and ‘affective geopolitics’ of state sovereignty (Sidaway 2009), and as a potentially
productive pathway for charting the normative valences associated with heightened
‘mobilities’ across the social sciences (Urry 2007; Cresswell and Merriman 2011).
F.-X. Nérard for the online Encyclopaedia of Mass Violence entitled
‘The Butovo shooting range’, at www.massviolence.org/The-ButovoShooting-Range?artpage=6 (accessed May 2014).
See V. Bitioutskij, ‘Tragiceskij pamiatnik bolchogo terrora v Voroneje’,
30’ Oktiabria, 103 (2011), pp. 8–9.
S. Cohen, State of Denial: Knowing About Atrocities and Suffering
(Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001).
196 Élisabeth Anstett
C. Krmpotich, J. Fontein & J. Harries, ‘The substance of bones: the
emotive materiality and affective
Borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel
Robin A. Harper and Hani Zubida
, managing the ethno-national
conflict, and client politics in Israel’, in Sarah S. Willen (ed.), Transnational Migration to
Israel in Global Comparative Context. Plymouth, MA: Lexington Books, pp. 31–50.
Rose, G. (1993) Feminism and Geography: The Limits of Geographical Knowledge. Cambridge:
Rumbaut, Rubén G. (1994) ‘The crucible within: ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants’, International Migration Review,
Sa’ar, Relly (2006) ‘Prime Minister vowed to help foreign workers’ kids, but the State wants
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence
’, and also to the complexities of the moral–
emotional ‘work’ carried out in the service of crime. Regardless of
one’s immediate status in the p
immoral (criminal) action must be emotionally neutralized and/or
cognitively reframed as contextually acceptable, and the emotional
trauma of its consequences managed in order to minimize psychological harm.
82 Jon Shute
Serious crime is definitive of contexts of mass violence, where
the rule of law collapses and agents of state control are often prime
Corpses and mass violence: an inventory of the unthinkable
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus
Genocide: Mass Murder in
Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003);
M. Shaw, War and Genocide: Organized Killing in Modern Society
(Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003); M. Levene, Genocide in the Age of the
Nation State (London: I. B. Tauris, 2005).
B. Schmidt & I. Schröder, Anthropology of Violence and Conflict
(London: Routledge, 2001); A. L. Hinton & K. L. O’Neill, Genocide:
Truth, Memory and Representation (Durham: Duke University Press,
A. Corbin, J.-J. Courtine & G. Vigarello, Histoire du corps (3 vols)
(Paris: Le Seuil, 2005, 2005
How grave robbers, activists, and foreigners ended official silence about Stalin’s mass graves near Kiev
Karel C. Berkhoff
was lifted, the state took decisions about the
gravesite in haste and secrecy, without anything resembling public
Both the Soviet authorities and the leaders of independent
Ukraine attempted to block investigation of the thousands of
corpses of victims of Stalin’s pre-war and wartime terror in a forest east of Kiev, near the village of Bykivnia, which now falls under
Kiev’s jurisdiction. None of the numerous German, Soviet, and
post-Soviet excavations that took place intended to uncover the
whole truth; in fact, the Soviet diggings erased much of the
, either contingently so or out of principle, it was developed
by and in the service of states – the modern colonial nation-state.22
These states have always been governed by certain population
groups (the ruling classes, national groups whose nation-state it
was) as a means for dominating other populations (the exploited
masses, colonized peoples).
But what has informed this discriminatory and unequal deployment of biodisciplinary power since the mid-eighteenth century
(or any alternative periodization that may be suggested)? How is
it decided which lives are worth