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The restructuring of work and production in the international political economy

domain of the market is represented as encroaching on the domain of the state. For many, the ‘footloose MNC’ has become the visible face of global markets, wielding its power over national governments and changing the balance of political authority in the GPE. As a result, firms have come to be understood as essentially rational actors whose actions have created and sustained an intensification of competition in global markets. For IPE, a specific type of firm, the Amoore_Global_06_Ch5 116 6/19/02, 2:05 PM The ‘contested’ firm 117 MNC, has been cast as the key

in Globalisation contested

flexibilisation of labour (1997: 8). The Economic and Development Review Committee (EDRC) applaud the UK for its ‘reform of industrial relations’, New Zealand for its ‘reduced government intervention’, Ireland for the lowering of the ‘generosity of unemployment Amoore_Global_02_Ch1 29 6/19/02, 12:09 PM Globalisation contested 30 Table 1.1 The OECD’s ‘Jobs Strategy’ recommendations 1 Set macroeconomic policy such that it will both encourage growth and, in conjunction with good structural policies, make it sustainable, i.e. noninflationary. 2 Enhance the creation and

in Globalisation contested
The restructuring of work in Germany

and systems have made economies rigid and stalled the ability and even willingness to adapt. To realise the new potential gains, societies and economies must respond rapidly to new imperatives and move towards the future opportunities. To many, the change is wrenching’ (OECD, 1996). The German strategy of ‘diversified quality production’ (Streeck, 1992a), lauded for its success in the 1980s and early 1990s, has had its sustainability questioned in the light of globalisation (see Streeck, 1997a; Zumwinkle, 1995). Commentators point to a number of factors to

in Globalisation contested
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Unheard voices and invisible agency

the globalisation of production, whether framed in terms of post-Fordism (Hirst and Zeitlin, 1989; Lipietz, 1987), transformations in competitive strategy (Strange, 1996; Porter, 1990) or grand-scale shifts in the organisation of capitalist societies (Rifkin, 1995; Toffler, 1980), all tend to emphasise the common effects of transformation in different places. The restructuring of work is presented as a unidirectional and universal outcome of restructured production, with global forces determining changes in everyday practices as though workers were simply passive

in Globalisation contested
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6 Introduction T he mood is shifting in the contemporary globalisation debate. Only a few years ago, talk of the contested and politicised nature of globalisation would have met with scepticism from those who emphasise the sheer economic power of globalising forces. The orthodox popular and academic representations of globalisation have for several decades sustained the image of a powerful economic and technological bulldozer that effortlessly shovels up states and societies. The very discourse of the ‘competition state’ (Cerny, 1990) effectively sanitised

in Globalisation contested

this way). What should not be forgotten is that Polanyi demands that we direct our attention to the ‘continuing contradictions between society and the market’ (Lacher, 1999: 323). The appropriation of Polanyi’s notion of a ‘counter-movement’ is not sufficient in itself to further a new and critical IPE that can account for contingency in global social change. Indeed, it is not a ‘solution’ or ‘strategy’ that is implied by Polanyi, but rather presents IPE with an opportunity to further politicise and historicise its knowledge. In the terms of this book, Polanyi’s work

in Globalisation contested
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‘anticipatory action’ arising from the increasing importance of new technologies in social and political life (Anderson, 2010). In the context of urban informatics, the formalisation and legitimation of anticipatory action as response to threats of terrorism, biosecurity and ecological disaster (Anderson, 2010) is routinely expressed in the field’s selfproclaimed potential to deliver sustainable, efficient and resilient cities. These tendencies fundamentally reshape originally linear temporalities by bringing – in particular ways – the future into the present; rewriting, in

in Time for mapping
The restructuring of work in Britain

gender. The New Deal programme has similar disciplinary features that, for example, remove entitlement to benefits where an individual fails to satisfy their ‘welfare to work’ contract (Krieger, 1999: 26). In sustaining the hyperflexibility programme in wage determination, British state-society is creating a social fallout that is simply shifted to other areas of welfare and social policy. At the time of writing, the OECD’s most recent economic survey of the UK, while generally looking favourably at the UK’s restructuring strategies, states that ‘employability remains

in Globalisation contested
The case for practice theory

work of Arthur Robinson (see, for example, Robinson, 1979) and surrounding researchers (Perkins, 2003; Edney, 2005). As the first sustained attempt to create a more accurate map, Robinson (1979) tried to incorporate a reflexive sensitivity towards end-users while working within boundaries of positivist normal science. Radical cartographers, map artists, map propaganda and psychogeography presented minor challenges (Crampton and Krygier, 2006), but cartographic practices remained relatively stable, even throughout the quantitative turn in geography (Robinson, 1979

in Time for mapping