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or that they can independently generate the kind of solidarity necessary to sustaining citizenship as we know it. Bauböck understands that citizenship persists only where boundaries exist and where populations remain relatively sedentary. States and citizenship cannot survive a condition of hypermobility. Whether the globe remains sedentary is an empirical question. There is strong evidence in the numbers that sedentary

in Democratic inclusion

to sustain a universalist conception of rationality; Rorty and Derrida, in contrast, think that such a conception is a residue of a philosophical past which it is time to leave behind. Significantly, the former do not give a decisive role to the aesthetic, whereas the latter do, and it is not fortuitous that what is at stake in both positions can be elucidated in terms of the interpretation of Nietzsche. Whereas, for Habermas, Nietzsche is part of a questionable tradition of critiques of modern rationality, Rorty thinks he offers the possibility of escaping from many

in Aesthetics and subjectivity

caricatured ‘African’ voice from bodies. The Bosnian rock band Zabranjeno Pušenje began their 2006 song ‘Hag’ (‘The Hague’ 14 ) with heavy drums and chanting, then imagined a Rwandan man talking to the narrator in Zagreb about the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides. Even without visual impersonation, this was what Daphne Brooks ( 2010 : 41) terms ‘sonic’ impersonation of blackness. Like ‘Pekara’, it clearly commented on post-Yugoslavs' (this time Bosnians') place in international affairs – yet for listeners to parse these visual and sonic strategies still required a certain

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)
Antinomies and enticements

and idioms of struggle that accessed and exceeded the aims and strategies of a generally middle-class nationalist leadership. It is not only that the supplementary nature of subaltern practices straddled their particular renderings of the nation and their distinct politics of nationalism, it is also that subaltern nationalisms carried forward agendas of the peasant insurgent in nineteenth-century India, an

in Subjects of modernity

[.] (Sontag 2003 : 112–13) Muppidi argues, against Sontag, that comparing Bosnia with other intra-European genocides (from which late-twentieth-century European understandings of genocide came) would have been different. Indeed, comparisons with Jewish suffering were an important moral instrument throughout the Yugoslav wars – even, in constructing narratives of national victimhood, among speakers implicated in ethnopolitical violence themselves (Macdonald 2003 ). If the attachment to urban identity that sustained besieged

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)

partners built a hotel, a golf course, a casino and holiday villas for sale. Foreign partner developers come and go (they have included Donald Trump, the hotel chain Raffles and most recently the Irish developer Dermot Desmond). The most recent strategy appears now to be similar to that pursued in Mustique, essentially constructing homes for exclusive foreign home ownership. Before arriving at this goal

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Open Access (free)
Identities and incitements

incisive examination by Uday Mehta of the focal presence of the Indian colony in the shaping of the very premises of dominant political thought in nineteenth-century Britain, revealing the significance of empire in structuring the “anthropological” propensities of liberal theory. At stake are liberal thought’s fundamental “strategies of exclusion,” resting on projections of the

in Subjects of modernity

forms of membership-without-citizenship. Bauböck's argument can be seen as a version of this strategy. We will argue that there is no way to square the circle: the two models are simply contradictory, requiring us to choose between them. 3 We will also argue that, confronted with that choice, liberals should simply abandon the capacity contract. This would not, by itself, require rejecting the basic structure of Bauböck

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)

; critically interrogate discourses about Bosnians being treated ‘like Africans’ or ‘a Third World country’; or position exclusivist ethnonationalisms in the Yugoslav region, Republika Srpska's genocidal strategy of homogenisation and apartheid's bureaucratic racism within one connected account of race, identity, territory, violence and diplomacy in the twentieth century. 2 Of all the modes for approaching race and the Yugoslav region, the mode of connection is the most challenging and the most necessary. Connecting race and the Yugoslav

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship

1. Introduction Who has a claim to be included in a democratic polity? This has been a vexing question for political theorists as well as legislators and judges. Philosophers have tried to make the problem go away by adopting one of two contrasting strategies. The first response is that democratic principles cannot resolve the problem and therefore we have to accept the historical contingency of

in Democratic inclusion