This paper questions the extent to which the (arguable) end of the liberal humanitarian order
is something to be mourned. Suggesting that current laments for the decline of humanitarianism
reflect a Eurocentric worldview, it calls for a fundamental revision of the assumptions
informing humanitarian scholarship. Decoloniality and anti-colonialism should be taken
seriously so as to not reproduce the same by a different name after the end of the liberal
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
accumulation, dispossession and the
regulation of dangerous populations and bodies; movement continues
to shape neo-imperialism and colonial bordering in northern states.
Part of this movement is born out of desperate circumstances of colonial
war and inequalities; but at the same time this movement is a demand
and refusal to be ordered by colonial categories of worthy or unworthy
movement. The biggest shift in our current moment is to orientate
ourselves towards thinking about the (de)coloniality of movement,
through orientations offered by decolonial thought and decolonial
The study of European Union relations with Mercosur
Arantza Gomez Arana
control of the Brazilian government. In contrast, Spain modelled the universities in Latin America to resemble the organization of Spanish universities. More specifically, the royal universities replicated the Spanish University
of Salamanca, whilst the religious universities were modelled on the Spanish
University of Alcala. Thus, according to Murilo de Carvalho, the ‘twentythree universities were scattered in what eventually would become thirteen
different countries’ (1987: 56). The influence of Spain and Portugal also
continued in other ways following de-colonialization
variously named as “trans-modernity,” “border
knowledge,” and “de-colonial perspectives.” 50 At the same time,
these ethically segregated entities continue to enact, within a shared
historical stage, a principled drama, an endless clash between good and
bad, virtue and evil, morality and immorality.
Moreover, while Dussel’s original claims concerned
a supersession of phenomenology by an ethically oriented
Jack Goody and de-colonial historians. Integration of pre-modern global connections remains as yet more the domain of world history and economic history
than civilisational analysis (Inglis, 2010), a matter of great challenge to the latter.
How could comparative and historical sociology offer more to a reconstruction of connected early modernities? Arnason’s entreaty to civilisational
analysis to emphasise agency and the historical and dynamic nature of civilisations itself foregrounds the entanglements of civilisations (Knöbl, 2006a).
Nelson and Arnason