This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.
A neglected dimension of conﬂict:
The Albanianmaﬁa: a real maﬁa at the heart of the Balkans?
of 1999, the Kosovo daily newspaper Koha Ditore decided to
break the law of silence: ‘Drugs are ﬂowing into Kosovo where we are witnessing the birth of a powerful maﬁa network’, the province is gradually
becoming ‘a Colombia at the heart of Europe’ (Koha Ditore 23 December 1999).
On 10 March 2000 the special UN human rights investigator returned from a
ten-day tour of the Balkans. What Jiri Dienstbier said is, if possible