This book can be described as an 'oblique memoir'. The central underlying and repeated themes of the book are exile and displacement; lives (and deaths) during the Third Reich; mother-daughter and sibling relationships; the generational transmission of trauma and experience; transatlantic reflections; and the struggle for creative expression. Stories mobilised, and people encountered, in the course of the narrative include: the internment of aliens in Britain during the Second World War; cultural life in Rochester, New York, in the 1920s; the social and personal meanings of colour(s). It also includes the industrialist and philanthropist, Henry Simon of Manchester, including his relationship with the Norwegian explorer, Fridtjof Nansen; the liberal British campaigner and MP of the 1940s, Eleanor Rathbone; reflections on the lives and images of spinsters. The text is supplemented and interrupted throughout by images (photographs, paintings, facsimile documents), some of which serve to illustrate the story, others engaging indirectly with the written word. The book also explains how forced exile persists through generations through a family history. It showcases the differences between English and American cultures. The book focuses on the incidence of cancers caused by exposure to radioactivity in England, and the impact it had on Anglo-American relations.
, management and communications. The whole project was overloaded with too many urgent and competing demands – to expand and extend military production, develop new reactor types, and support an arguably over-ambitious civil power programme. Reluctance to publish the full findings of the initial inquiry into the accident also had to do with Anglo-American relations: Harold Macmillan, then Prime Minister, did not want to give the Americans any reason to continue to block collaboration on military applications of atomic energy. His diary note for 30 October 1957 records this
because of its shifting position’. He warned that he ‘might be forced at some point to say this publicly’ and to take a much more ‘independent position with respect to Vietnam’. Anglo-American relations ‘could never be the same’, he said bitterly. 36 He also reflected that ‘the situation had become so confused by the misunderstandings which had arisen that he felt there was an urgent need to re-establish a personal relationship
prime ministers and presidents. The field of Anglo-American relations has attracted much attention from academics, among whom it is accepted that the world wars, especially the second, enabled the United States to displace Britain as the leading ‘great power’. David Dimbleby and David Reynolds note that in both conflicts Britain was among the first to become involved, and both times ‘at the point of exhaustion she [was] saved
This work has examined the question of Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68. By exploring the mutual dealings of the two leaders, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship and to one another; how they approached the matters of mutual interest and the extent to which their personal relationship was in any sense a
.), Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897–1963 (London: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974), Vol. VII, p. 7289. 01_Strained_partnership_001-023.indd 19 06/11/2013 12:43 20 A strained partnership? 24 Alex Danchev, ‘The Cold War “Special Relationship” Revisited’, Diplomacy and Statecraft, 17:3 (2006), 579–95. 25 Harry Cranbrook Allen, Great Britain and the United States: A History of Anglo-American Relations 1783–1952 (London: Odhams, 1954), pp. 17–18. 26 David Reynolds, ‘Roosevelt, Churchill, and the Wartime Anglo-American Alliance, 1939–1945: Towards a
‘regarded by Labour leaders as of [the] utmost importance to Anglo-American relations and the future of Western strategic planning and cooperation’. 12 In particular, Wilson had long looked forward to meeting Johnson in the capacity of Prime Minister. Early in 1964, for example, he told the academic and White House adviser Richard Neustadt that if Labour won the election: we
new phrase, probably thought of well in advance of the dinner, suggested that although committed to close bonds with the United States the Labour government did not carry the Churchillian baggage of the Conservatives. This example of verbal dexterity also represented an effort to avoid antagonising the Labour left and yet it favoured the ‘close’ Anglo-American relations to which Wilson was personally dedicated. But the
we are not attempting a cartography of Anglo-American relations from the mid-nineteenth to early twentieth centuries but exploring some of the more intriguing convergences and diversions in the paths taken by a number of celebrated writers and cultural commentators. With the exception of Masel’s essay on Whitman, the essays in the collection are substantially concerned with prose; notwithstanding, many different styles and types of writing are examined. It should also not be seen as surprising that that the genre which is most susceptible of access on both sides of
Dean had told Michael Palliser, Wilson’s Foreign Office assistant, that although the diplomacy of the British economic crisis had meant ‘a pretty tiresome time’ for the Embassy, ‘One great thing to come out of it well is Anglo-American relations’. Regardless of the fate of Britain’s application to join the EEC, an optimistic Dean could not ‘help feeling that … our ties with the Americans can and should