Therkel Straede

This paper traces the massacres of Jews and Soviet prisoners of war in November 1941 in the city of Bobruisk, Eastern Belarus. Sparked by a current memorial at one of the killing sites, the author examines the historic events of the killings themselves and presents a micro level analysis of the various techniques for murdering and disposing of such large numbers of victims. A contrast will be shown between the types of actions applied to the victims by the German army, SS, police personnel and other local collaborators, reflecting an imposed racial hierarchisation even after their death.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Resilience and the Language of Compassion
Diego I. Meza

prosperidad democrática ’, El Tiempo , 6 August . Piotukh , V. ( 2015 ), Biopolitics, Governmentality and Humanitarianism: ‘Caring’ for the Population in Afghanistan and Belarus ( London and New York : Routledge ). Prem , M. , Rivera , A. F. , Romero , D. A. and Vargas , J. F. ( 2018 ), ‘ Killing Social Leaders for Territorial Control: The Unintended Consequences of Peace ’, Documentos de Trabajo , No. 016385, https://repository.urosario.edu.co/handle/10336/18133 (accessed 16 October 2021 ). Presidencia

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
John P. Willerton and Geoffrey Cockerham

history of economic and security interconnections, while they still share considerable common infrastructure. As demonstrated by an eager Belarus’s desire for stronger integration with Russia or by a reluctant Ukraine’s need to maintain and even expand commercial and military connections with Moscow, reality dictates that the FSU states rely on one another – and to varying degrees on Russia – to safeguard their security and commercial vitality. The manoeuvrings of Belarus and Ukraine, however, also reflect the 185 2504Chap10 7/4/03 12:57 pm Page 186 Institutions of

in Limiting institutions?

Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.

Open Access (free)
Design and material culture in Soviet Russia, 1960s–80s
Author: Yulia Karpova

The major part of this book project was funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 700913.

This book is about two distinct but related professional cultures in late Soviet Russia that were concerned with material objects: industrial design and decorative art. The Russian avant-garde of the 1920s is broadly recognised to have been Russia’s first truly original contribution to world culture. In contrast, Soviet design of the post-war period is often dismissed as hackwork and plagiarism that resulted in a shabby world of commodities. This book identifies the second historical attempt at creating a powerful alternative to capitalist commodities in the Cold War era. It offers a new perspective on the history of Soviet material culture by focusing on the notion of the ‘comradely object’ as an agent of progressive social relations that state-sponsored Soviet design inherited from the avant-garde. It introduces a shared history of domestic objects, handmade as well as machine-made, mass-produced as well as unique, utilitarian as well as challenging the conventional notion of utility. Situated at the intersection of intellectual history, social history and material culture studies, this book elucidates the complexities and contradictions of Soviet design that echoed international tendencies of the late twentieth century. The book is addressed to design historians, art historians, scholars of material culture, historians of Russia and the USSR, as well as museum and gallery curators, artists and designers, and the broader public interested in modern aesthetics, art and design, and/or the legacy of socialist regimes.

Paul G. Lewis

the eye of the observer. 154 AREAS Taking CEE1 as a whole the progress of democratization can be outlined in basic terms fairly precisely. Competitive elections on a universal suffrage have been held, and their conduct and results broadly validated by international observers in the majority of the nineteen countries, although they have not proceeded without reservation in Russia, Ukraine and Albania (see Karatnycky 2001). Only Belarus is generally deemed to have remained authoritarian and generally unfree as a whole – it is one of the few countries to have seen

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Douglas Blum

identity is vital to its exercise of authority. The clear outlier with respect to state capacity in Eurasia is Turkmenistan, with its highly authoritarian and frequently coercive regime. While similar charges are sometimes levelled against the Aliev and Nazarbaev regimes in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, respectively, the latter do allow considerable room for dissenting opinion and independent civil society organisation. Indeed, on this score even Belarus appears relatively liberal in comparison with Turkmenistan. In any case the exercise of coercion and manipulation of fear

in Limiting institutions?
The dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia
Sean Kay

, facilitating regional crisis management, and protecting Russians living outside Russia within the CIS.25 For non-Russian members, support for the CIS has varied from the enthusiastic responses of Belarus to the antagonistic compliance of Ukraine. In the absence of significant western assistance, states like Ukraine, with their continued economic dependence on Russia, have little choice but to bandwagon reluctantly towards Moscow. Russia’s residual hegemony in the CIS is primarily economic and is exercised through pre-existing, Soviet-era personnel networks and bilateral

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

of the Warsaw Pact and the successor states of the Soviet Union to join the organisation’s Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme – allowing them to develop co-operative military relations with NATO, particularly in the area of joint planning and training for humanitarian and peacekeeping operations. By the end of 1994 Russia and all the other successor states to the Soviet Union except two (Belarus and Tajikistan) had joined the PfP, as had such countries as Finland, Slovenia and Sweden. The Western European Union also began to build up contacts with Central and

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

counterweight to the former at regional level. Western Europe and NATO would have a natural interest in seeing a strong and stable Ukraine, while NATO membership was not for the near future. By contrast, the undemocratic government of Belarus and its international isolation was considered to preclude any early membership in NATO. The selection of the countries with which NATO would start membership negotiations was to follow criteria established under a Membership Action Plan (MAP), covering not only military but also economic, political and legal aspects and building on the

in Destination Europe