This book re-examines the campaign experience of British soldiers in Africa during the period 1874–1902—the zenith of the Victorian imperial expansion—and does so from the perspective of the regimental soldier. The book utilises a number of letters and diaries, written by regimental officers and other ranks, to allow soldiers to speak for themselves about their experience of colonial warfare. The sources demonstrate the adaptability of the British army in fighting in different climates, over demanding terrain and against a diverse array of enemies. They also uncover soldiers' responses to army reforms of the era as well as the response to the introduction of new technologies of war.
The nursing sisters of the BritishArmy, having trained in the British
hospital system, would have been well versed in the need to create
and maintain and environment in which healing could take place.
The zones into which they were posted during the Second World
War and the spaces they were given in which to care for their patients
were, however, rarely either favourable to health or to the ‘serenity
and security’ needed for recovery.
In the previous chapter, fundamental nursing skills, so essential to
all nurses, whether in a peacetime
Nursing and medical records in the Imperial War in Ethiopia (1935–36)
Anna La Torre, Giancarlo Celeri Bellotti, and Cecilia Sironi
Haile Selassie to return to his throne.
At the end of 1941, during the Second World War, the BritishArmy freed Ethiopia. At the beginning of the conflict, the Italian resident forces were of about 90,000 Army and about 200,000 colonial
soldiers. It was definitely a remarkable force, but Italian troops were
spread out in different fields and this caused great difficulties because
of poor logistics in the country. Despite the research of historians in
recent decades, there are still several gaps that remain in the reconstruction of what really happened during these
-of-hand. Elsie Inglis, a doctor and the founder of the Scottish
Women’s Hospitals, is famously reported to have offered fully
equipped and staffed hospitals to the BritishArmy in 1914, but to
have been told to ‘go home and keep quiet’.1 She went on to supply highly effective units to the military medical services of several
countries, including France and Serbia. Several ‘freelance’ operations found their way to both Western and Serbian fronts during
the early months of the war. But these were organised and funded by
wealthy – often aristocratic – ladies and operated under
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.
first book to analyse the engagement of BritishArmy
nursing sisters with their combatant patients in the Second World
War. By focusing on the psychological tactics that the sisters
employed in negotiating the care of their patients, it demonstrates the
beginnings of a transformation of nurses from the obedient servants
of the hospital to the experts by the bedside, and therefore critical to
the healing of the sick. Through the examination of nursing work, this
book also extends the historiography of the soldier, the critical cog in
the machinery of war. The
Colonial powers and Ethiopian frontiers 1880–1884 is the fourth volume of Acta
Aethiopica, a series that presents original Ethiopian documents of
nineteenth-century Ethiopian history with English translations and scholarly
notes. The documents have been collected from dozens of archives in Africa and
Europe to recover and present the Ethiopian voice in the history of Ethiopia in
the nineteenth century. The present book, the first Acta Aethiopica volume to
appear from Lund University Press, deals with how Ethiopian rulers related to
colonial powers in their attempts to open Ethiopia for trade and technological
development while preserving the integrity and independence of their country. In
addition to the correspondence and treatises with the rulers and representatives
of Italy, Egypt and Great Britain, the volume also presents letters dealing with
ecclesiastical issues, including the Ethiopian community in Jerusalem.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
before and during the Great War, Lieutenant Colonel
Edoardo Greppi, showed an ‘evident Anglophilia’ and appreciation for Britain,
with ‘its gigantic empire, the sobriety of its costumes and the good demeanour of
the people, the admired military virtues and the patriotic dedication of its ruling
class.’ Furthermore, he was fundamentally in agreement with the political and
military policies chosen by the British authorities.3 Likewise, during and after
the Great War, Mussolini had shown respect and admiration for the BritishArmy and the British people’s military
Several African campaigns did not
involve skirmishes, sieges, battles or engagements of any significance.
Whereas the BritishArmy had to mount offensives and seek rapid,
decisive military outcomes to disperse and demoralise its enemies (while
minimising its own logistic burdens and likely losses from sickness and
disease), 1 African
adversaries responded to these