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Author: Mike Huggins

This book provides a detailed consideration of the history of racing in British culture and society, and explores the cultural world of racing during the interwar years. The book shows how racing gave pleasure even to the supposedly respectable middle classes and gave some working-class groups hope and consolation during economically difficult times. Regular attendance and increased spending on betting were found across class and generation, and women too were keen participants. Enjoyed by the royal family and controlled by the Jockey Club and National Hunt Committee, racing's visible emphasis on rank and status helped defend hierarchy and gentlemanly amateurism, and provided support for more conservative British attitudes. The mass media provided a cumulative cultural validation of racing, helping define national and regional identity, and encouraging the affluent consumption of sporting experience and a frank enjoyment of betting. The broader cultural approach of the first half of the book is followed by an exploration if the internal culture of racing itself.

Open Access (free)
Mike Huggins

these too show its importance. In part these were related to the politics and cultural conformity of broader British society. Horseracing had been a central feature of both urban and pastoral British life since far earlier that any of the other major sports, yet across Britain and across the social classes, attitudes to racing and betting after the First World War also lay along a major fault line dividing British society, representing a struggle for ascendancy between competing value systems. Some sports were closely linked to debates about ‘respectability’. Academic

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Open Access (free)
Kerry Kidd

-war British society, but also in the grey area between two sets of competing and unresolved moralities. On the one hand, it has a liberal and progressive agenda, depicting criminality sympathetically, attempting to present a realistic and unsentimental view of contemporary Britain, and critical of the suffering imposed on young girls by society’s attempt to preserve respectability at all costs. One of the more

in British cinema of the 1950s
Open Access (free)
The Conservatives in crisis
Philip Lynch and Mark Garnett

’.      While no party – not even New Labour – can be all things to all voters, the Conservatives have become damagingly out of tune with the attitudes and values of parts of British society. Although they accepted Labour’s spending targets on health and education in 2001, the Conservative position was still well to the right of the median voter. Though closer to public opinion on Europe, this had limited issue saliency and did not convert sufficient numbers of voters to the Tory cause. Instead, the Conservatives’ free market, social authoritarian message saw them competing

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Mike Huggins

social activity, which avoided direct competition within families or communities by focusing interest on indirect competition between horses and jockeys. Even if people disagreed about a horse’s chances, the only personal competition for the punter was between him and the bookmaker. Yet betting aroused powerful emotions and strong opposition in wider British society. To understand its place we need to examine the nature of the opposition to betting, and those who disliked it, found it irrelevant or disagreed with it, now we have examined those who enjoyed betting

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Mike Huggins

‘enormously increased’ gate money at Manchester.63 The complex inter-relationships between the presentations of racing and betting in the media, and the ambiguous, complicated and highly nuanced ways in which attitudes to betting on races varied socially, culturally and politically in British society are the subject of the next three chapters. Notes 1 Michael-Seth Smith et al., The history of steeplechasing (London: Michael Joseph, 1966, p. 105; John Hislop, Far from a gentleman (London: Michael Joseph, 1960), p. 190. 2 Terence Brady and Michael Felton, Point-to-pointing: a

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
Open Access (free)
Coreen Anne McGuire

applicable measures of normal hearing and normal respiratory function. The impetus behind the reduction of these multidimensional sensorial qualities stemmed from powerful bureaucratic forces for which classification was especially important, namely, the British Post Office and the Medical Research Council (MRC), and I detail the importance of these two bodies to British society during the interwar years and explain the drive behind their standardisation of normalcy. In these chapters I make visible the invisible workings of these technologies, and in Chapter 4 and

in Measuring difference, numbering normal
Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family
Author: Joe Turner

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.

Jacopo Pili

are different in origin and magnitude, they are equivalent and they can be solved in a similar way. By limiting freedom. Because only in that way today can the nation be given freedom to live.’28 One year later, Gayda was even more persuaded of the weakness of British society and its resultant economic and political decline: The inferiority of British industry in the competition for world trade has hence also fundamental national causes: insufficiency of technical organization, excessive individualism that rejected the great productive concentrations of the

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy