The international growth and influence of bioethics has led some to identify it as a decisive shift in the location and exercise of 'biopower'. This book provides an in-depth study of how philosophers, lawyers and other 'outsiders' came to play a major role in discussing and helping to regulate issues that used to be left to doctors and scientists. It discusses how club regulation stemmed not only from the professionalising tactics of doctors and scientists, but was compounded by the 'hands-off' approach of politicians and professionals in fields such as law, philosophy and theology. The book outlines how theologians such as Ian Ramsey argued that 'transdisciplinary groups' were needed to meet the challenges posed by secular and increasingly pluralistic societies. It also examines their links with influential figures in the early history of American bioethics. The book centres on the work of the academic lawyer Ian Kennedy, who was the most high-profile advocate of the approach he explicitly termed 'bioethics'. It shows how Mary Warnock echoed governmental calls for external oversight. Many clinicians and researchers supported her calls for a 'monitoring body' to scrutinise in vitro fertilisation and embryo research. The growth of bioethics in British universities occurred in the 1980s and 1990s with the emergence of dedicated centres for bioethics. The book details how some senior doctors and bioethicists led calls for a politically-funded national bioethics committee during the 1980s. It details how recent debates on assisted dying highlight the authority and influence of British bioethicists.
Uncertainty, economy and
In 1973 the finances of most Britishuniversities lay at the mercy of
politicians and were subject to capricious cuts in public spending.
Their precarious situation was a consequence of the state-financed
expansion of the previous decades. What taxpayers gave, their elected
representatives could pare and trim when the economy wilted and
crisis loomed. In the midst of high inflation both Conservative and
Labour governments failed to compensate universities for increases in
the cost of
interdisciplinary ‘meeting ground’.
Chapter 5 examines the growth of bioethics in Britishuniversities
during the 1980s and 1990s. I show how figures such as Kennedy
claimed that ‘non-medical’ input in ethics teaching would benefit
student doctors during the early 1980s. This stance ensured that
senior doctors supported new interdisciplinary courses in medical
ethics, which were predominantly aimed at student doctors and
healthcare professionals. I also show how the emergence of dedicated centres for bioethics was consolidated by government cuts in
university funding, which
status as such owes in part to his charisma, and so through
a process of distortion to his enthusiastic origins. But that he can manage his
mission owes to his readiness to mediate and manipulate knowledge, to
operate according to the prescriptions of the bureaucratic mind.
In so far, then, as this book about American literature, written from and
referring to a Britishuniversity setting, makes an argument back and forth
across the Atlantic, what is at issue is the form of literary knowledge. What
the American writers I have been discussing variously present is an
The emergence of bioethics in British universities
‘A service to the community as a
whole’: the emergence of bioethics in
Bioethics made inroads into Britishuniversities during the 1980s,
thanks largely to those individuals, groups and political changes
that we have already encountered. During the late 1970s and early
1980s members of medical groups and public figures such as Ian
Kennedy called for greater emphasis on medical ethics in student
training. They also stressed the benefits of ‘non-medical’ input,
claiming that it relieved clinicians from teaching responsibilities and
.1 shows the distribution by sex and
province. The IODE sought individuals who could be further trained in
the ways of useful citizenship, and it considered that Britishuniversities could provide an education superior to that available in
Canada. This is not to say that Canada was not proud of its own
universities. Indeed, during the 1928 Schoolgirl Tour, McGill,
Queen’s and Toronto Universities had been
exactly was knowledge expected to move from the laboratory and spur development? This chapter will examine the relationship between scientific investigation and colonial development that was embodied in the new arrangements for colonial research that were created in fields such as sugar chemistry during the first half of the 1940s.
The late colonial period saw an unprecedented expansion in scientific research across the Colonial Empire and in Britishuniversities, funded through the Research Fund of the 1940 CDW Act and its successors. The new
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.
1975 David Walker of
The Times Higher Educational Supplement attempted to do what the
UGC denied doing and establish a ranking order for English (not
British) universities. He noted that certain institutions ‘come out near
the top of every scale that is used’. His criteria included the proportion of students accommodated in University residences; the strength
of the A-level results required to qualify for entry; the quality of engineering research and the standard of medical teaching; the number of
library books per head of the student and academic population; and
Anti-racist scholar-activism and the neoliberal-imperial-institutionally-racist university
The neoliberal-imperial-institutionally-racist university: an overview
Throughout this book, we refer to Britishuniversities as neoliberal, imperial, and institutionally racist, or as neoliberal-imperial-institutionally-racist. In this section, we begin to set out why. Despite their outward projection as spaces of enlightenment and bastions of progressiveness, universities are neither democratic nor meritocratic spaces.