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For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.

Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy
Michael Mastanduno

, 61 : 1 ( 2009 ), pp. 121 – 54 . 3 M. Mastanduno , ‘ Partner politics: Russia, China, and the challenge of extending US hegemony after the Cold War ’, Security Studies , 28 : 3 ( 2019 ), pp. 479 – 504 . 4 See R. Jervis , ‘ International primacy: Is the game worth the candle? ’ International Security , 17 : 4 ( 1993 ), pp. 53 – 4 . 5 White House, ‘National Security Strategy of the United States’ (September 2002), www.state.gov/documents/organization/63562.pdf , accessed 13 March 2019. 6 See P. Trubowitz , Politics and Strategy: Partisan

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

action is not particularly supportive of institutionalised security cooperation or the wholesale embrace of the European system of security governance. At the same time, this security dilemma has become less intense and inverted along Eurasia’s western frontier. Within Europe, the postwar security dilemma of military insecurity has been replaced by the post-Cold War security dilemma of ensuring political and economic stability along its borders. The nations of western Europe fear the negative consequences of political and economic insecurity in eastern Europe and

in Limiting institutions?
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

events gave rise to some strong criticisms of NATO’s apparent lack of collective interest; with arguments being made that this demonstrated the institution’s unsuitability for dealing with post-Cold War security crises in the wider Europe. More specifically, the limitations of PfP as a promoter of stability amongst the partner states were criticised. 49 Although by no means all observers took this view, 50 NATO members

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Joshua B. Spero

2504Chap9 7/4/03 12:41 pm Page 166 9 Paths to peace for NATO’s partnerships in Eurasia Joshua B. Spero This chapter examines the role of multilateral cooperative efforts and institutionalised security cooperation in the Eurasian area through a study of NATO’s PfP programme. In terms of measuring the capacity to increase Eurasian security, the general track record of the post-Cold War security institutions in non-traditional areas of societal democratisation, economic modernisation, civil and cross-border war prevention, and Eurasian integration presents a

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Kerry Longhurst

developments in German security policy since 1989. The aim of this chapter, consequently, is to consider the concept of strategic culture in greater detail and to locate it within the field of security studies. Contending approaches Neo-realism and German normalisation As the Cold War came to a close, a frenzy of analysis on the future of German security policy emerged. Consideration of how German post-Cold War security policy might develop reflected a far broader and fundamental discussion, within the discipline of international Longhurst, Germany and the use of force

in Germany and the use of force
Adjusting to life after the Cold War
Kerry Longhurst

naval forces in the monitoring of the UN embargo against Yugoslavia in the Adriatic. The court’s ultimate decision In mapping the trajectory of change in Germany’s post-Cold War security policy, the Constitutional Court’s decision of 12 July 1994 is of central significance. This decision essentially ratified the CDU–CSU strategy of incrementally extending the Bundeswehr’s remit, without recourse to constitutional amendments. The decision gave a clear green light to further Bundeswehr deployments by dismissing SPD and FDP objections to the Bundeswehr’s involvement in

in Germany and the use of force
Kerry Longhurst

successive reform documents and efforts to reshape the Bundeswehr to meet new post-Cold War security challenges, continuity rather than change characterised the policy and politics of conscription. This static situation in Germany stands in stark contrast to change elsewhere in Europe and sets Berlin aside from its main partners in terms of the personnel structures of its national armed forces. The diminishing utility of conscription has already been recognised by many other European states, where moves have been underway since the ending of the Cold War to abolish the

in Germany and the use of force
Oliver Turner

contemporary operations of US foreign policy. Having steadily, if unevenly, transformed the landscape of the region from at least the middle of the nineteenth century, from Alaska to Guam to the Philippines to Japan and beyond, the United States maintains its pursuit of regional imperial hegemony today. It does so through institutionalised and consensual networks of partners and allies, enabled by the availability and application of political/economic and military power to extend control from the centre out to vulnerable frontiers. Washington’s Cold War security frameworks

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Redefining security in the Middle East
Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent E. Sasley

I N ITS FORMATIVE stages, the study of the theory and practice of security in all the world’s regional subsystems, including that of the Middle East, was defined primarily by the logic of superpower rivalry. For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the

in Redefining security in the Middle East