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For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.

New threats, institutional adaptations

action is not particularly supportive of institutionalised security cooperation or the wholesale embrace of the European system of security governance. At the same time, this security dilemma has become less intense and inverted along Eurasia’s western frontier. Within Europe, the postwar security dilemma of military insecurity has been replaced by the post-Cold War security dilemma of ensuring political and economic stability along its borders. The nations of western Europe fear the negative consequences of political and economic insecurity in eastern Europe and

in Limiting institutions?

events gave rise to some strong criticisms of NATO’s apparent lack of collective interest; with arguments being made that this demonstrated the institution’s unsuitability for dealing with post-Cold War security crises in the wider Europe. More specifically, the limitations of PfP as a promoter of stability amongst the partner states were criticised. 49 Although by no means all observers took this view, 50 NATO members

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

2504Chap9 7/4/03 12:41 pm Page 166 9 Paths to peace for NATO’s partnerships in Eurasia Joshua B. Spero This chapter examines the role of multilateral cooperative efforts and institutionalised security cooperation in the Eurasian area through a study of NATO’s PfP programme. In terms of measuring the capacity to increase Eurasian security, the general track record of the post-Cold War security institutions in non-traditional areas of societal democratisation, economic modernisation, civil and cross-border war prevention, and Eurasian integration presents a

in Limiting institutions?
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Redefining security in the Middle East

I N ITS FORMATIVE stages, the study of the theory and practice of security in all the world’s regional subsystems, including that of the Middle East, was defined primarily by the logic of superpower rivalry. For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism

peace’ 19 is viewed as a struggle between the states of the Middle East. In a redefined concept of security Islam does have a place in Middle Eastern peace. With reference to the concept of democratic peace pertinent to post-Cold War security studies, there is a compatibility of Islam, understood as morality, with modern democracy. In contrast, Islamism is not a religion-based morality, but rather a

in Redefining security in the Middle East
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developments in German security policy since 1989. The aim of this chapter, consequently, is to consider the concept of strategic culture in greater detail and to locate it within the field of security studies. Contending approaches Neo-realism and German normalisation As the Cold War came to a close, a frenzy of analysis on the future of German security policy emerged. Consideration of how German post-Cold War security policy might develop reflected a far broader and fundamental discussion, within the discipline of international Longhurst, Germany and the use of force

in Germany and the use of force
Adjusting to life after the Cold War

naval forces in the monitoring of the UN embargo against Yugoslavia in the Adriatic. The court’s ultimate decision In mapping the trajectory of change in Germany’s post-Cold War security policy, the Constitutional Court’s decision of 12 July 1994 is of central significance. This decision essentially ratified the CDU–CSU strategy of incrementally extending the Bundeswehr’s remit, without recourse to constitutional amendments. The decision gave a clear green light to further Bundeswehr deployments by dismissing SPD and FDP objections to the Bundeswehr’s involvement in

in Germany and the use of force

successive reform documents and efforts to reshape the Bundeswehr to meet new post-Cold War security challenges, continuity rather than change characterised the policy and politics of conscription. This static situation in Germany stands in stark contrast to change elsewhere in Europe and sets Berlin aside from its main partners in terms of the personnel structures of its national armed forces. The diminishing utility of conscription has already been recognised by many other European states, where moves have been underway since the ending of the Cold War to abolish the

in Germany and the use of force

European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), 1994, p. 19; Ekavi Athanassopoulou, “Ankara’s Foreign Policy Objectives After the End of the Cold War,” Orient , Vol. 36, No. 2, 1995, p. 273. 11 DNB , 28 September 1996. For details on the Imia/Kardak incident see Andre Gerolymatos, “The Military Balance of Power Between Greece and Turkey: Tactical and Strategic Objectives,” in Aldo Chircop, Andre Gerolymatos, and John O. Iatrides, (eds), The Aegean Sea after the Cold War: Security and Law of the Sea Issues , London, Macmillan, 2000, pp. 48–49; Athanassios

in Turkey: facing a new millennium