Between 1975 and 1979, thirty-one unidentified bodies bearing marks of torture appeared
at various locations along Uruguays coastline. These bodies were material proof of the
death flights implemented in neighbouring Argentina after the military coup. In Uruguay,
in a general context of political crisis, the appearance of these anonymous cadavers first
generated local terror and was then rapidly transformed into a traumatic event at the
national level. This article focuses on the various reports established by Uruguayan
police and mortuary services. It aims to show how,the administrative and funeral
treatments given at that time to the dead bodies, buried anonymously (under the NN label)
in local cemeteries, make visible some of the multiple complicities between the Uruguayan
and Argentinean dictatorships in the broader framework of the Condor Plan. The repressive
strategy implemented in Argentina through torture and forced disappearance was indeed
echoed by the bureaucratic repressive strategy implemented in Uruguay through incomplete
and false reports, aiming to make the NN disappear once again.
Témoignage , here, was not only an act of speaking out
against state violence, but also an act of resistance against complicity with the
notorious practices of the Ethiopian state.
As cold war binaries collapsed in the 1990s, long-suppressed grievances erupted in
the form of civil wars, posing new challenges to the stability of nation states.
States retaliated viciously: from Iraqi Kurdistan to Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo and
Chechnya, civilians came under increasing fire. Amid such
The Visual Politics and Narratives of Red Cross Museums in Europe and the
United States, 1920s to 2010s
Invoking the values of social commitment and grass-roots activism, the
volunteer’s narrative of German Red Cross museums served to motivate and
mobilize locals by showing the practical humanitarian contributions of local Red
Cross chapters. But here as well the narrative often came along with blinders and
problems. German Red Cross museums said little about the interconnections between
Red Cross activism and German colonialism or the complicities between the Red Cross
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez, and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
the Chief makes the mistake of going through the
Luma he has another thing coming!’
In the weeks that followed, Kambians blamed local stakeholders and the Chief for
failing to communicate the closure. A slogan painted on one of the local coffee
shops ( attaya base ) in Bamoi – ‘Ebola Phase II:
it didn’t work’ – connected the riots with broader
suspicions surrounding the outbreak and authorities’ complicity. The new
Ikenberry , G.
J. ( 2012 ), Liberal Leviathan:
The Origins, Crisis and Transformation of the American World Order
( Princeton, NJ : Princeton University
D. ( 2005 ), The
Dark Sides of Virtue: Reassessing International Humanitarianism
( Princeton, NJ : Princeton University
Lepora , C. and
Goodin , R.
E. ( 2015 ), On Complicity and
Compromise ( Oxford : Oxford University
Luttwak , E.
N. ( 1999 ), ‘ Give
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian
the arguments in favour of public criticism of actors who have abused human
rights or violated international humanitarian law (IHL) are twofold. It is hoped
that ‘naming and shaming’ will encourage perpetrators to improve
their conduct towards civilians, and there is additionally a concern that
remaining silent in the face of abuses implies some kind of complicity with
those abuses. Against such public criticism are concerns about access and staff
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
German government’s complicity in migrant deaths. In Hamburg, about 4,000 people marched under the slogan ‘Free Carola’, although the organisers had expected a crowd of only 1,500. Altogether, there were about ninety demonstrations in support of the Sea-Watch 3 and its captain that weekend alone. The level of support for Sea-Watch and the amount of attention devoted to its ship and to Rackete were unprecedented. The fact that the issue of private SAR missions in the Mediterranean remained front-page news for so long, well beyond Rackete’s arrest, was also exceptional
This study considers the ways in which locals of the occupied Nord responded to and understood their situation across four years of German domination, focusing in particular on key behaviours adopted by locals, and the way in which such conduct was perceived. Behaviours examined include forms of complicity, misconduct, disunity, criminality, and resistance. This local case study calls into question overly-patriotic readings of this experience, and suggests a new conceptual vocabulary to help understand certain civilian behaviours under military occupation. Drawing on extensive primary documentation – from diaries and letters to posters and police reports – this book proposes that a dominant ‘occupied culture’ existed among locals. This was a moral-patriotic framework, born of both pre-war socio-cultural norms and daily interaction with the enemy, that guided conduct and was especially concerned with what was considered acceptable and unacceptable behaviour. Those who breached the limits of this occupied culture faced criticism and sometimes punishment. This study attempts to disentangle perceptions and reality, but also argues that the clear beliefs and expectations of the occupied French comprise a fascinating subject of study in their own right. They provide an insight into national and local identity, and especially the way in which locals understood their role within the wider conflict. This book will be useful to undergraduates, post-graduates and academics interested in an understudied aspect of the history of modern France, the First World War, and military occupations.
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).