Enver Kisriev

6 Why is there stability in Dagestan but not in Chechnya? Enver Kisriev The formulation of the question ,hasdemonstratedenviablepoliticalstability.This Caucasian republic, unique in its multi-ethnic composition,1 undergoing radical changes and similarly experiencing serious social transformations, nevertheless successfully preserved its integrity; it did not allow mass inter-ethnic clashes,socialdisorderanduprisings,andrefrainedfromborderdisputeswithneighbours. Although there were instances of serious tension in the republic (the last

in Potentials of disorder
Fabrice Weissman

to secure the safe and sound release of our colleagues, often without making any material concessions. No overarching theory applies to every situation. For example, while publicly holding Russian and Dagestani deputies to account for the abduction of Swiss MSF head of mission Arjan Erkel in Dagestan in 2002 accelerated his release ( McLean, 2016 ), the Congolese militias who are likely holding the four MSF staff members abducted in the DRC on 11

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)

This book deals with the institutional framework in post-socialist, after-empire spaces. It consists of nine case studies and two contributions of a more theoretical nature. Each of these analytical narratives sheds some light on the micro-politics of organised violence. After 1990, Serbs and Croats were competing over access to the resources needed for institution building and state building. Fear in turn triggered ethnic mobilisation. An 'unprofessional' riot of Serbs in the Krajina region developed into a professional war between Serbs and Croats in Croatia, in which several thousand died and several hundred thousand people were forcefully expelled from their homes. The Herceg-Bosnian style of resistance can be surprisingly effective. It is known that most of the heroin transported along the Balkans route passes through the hands of Albanian mafia groups; that this traffic has taken off since summer 1999. The concept of Staatnation is based on the doctrine according to which each 'nation' must have its own territorial State and each State must consist of one 'nation' only. The slow decline and eventual collapse of the Soviet and the Yugoslav empires was partly triggered, partly accompanied by the quest for national sovereignty. Dagestan is notable for its ethnic diversity and, even by post-Soviet standards, its dramatic economic deprivation. The integrative potential of cooperative movements at the republican, the regional and the inter-state level for the Caucasus is analyzed. The book also offers insights into the economics of ending violence. Finally, it addresses the question of reconciliation after ethnic cleansing.

Olga Vassilieva

and to get access to additional resources. The weakening of the central authorities and the elimination of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which broke the ethnic balance in administrative structures, accelerated ethnic mobilisation, especially in the regions where strong ethnic grievances had persisted – such as regions with resettled ethnic groups (oppressed peoples, many peoples of Dagestan, etc.); regions with a territorial hierarchy of ethnic units (Georgia, Azerbaijan); or with an administrative hierarchy for ethnic groups (especially, in dual

in Potentials of disorder
Cameron Ross

Federation. Indeed, forty-nine regions can be called purely Russian areas. In those regions, representatives of the ethnic majority make up 85 to 98 per cent of the population. The largest per centage of Russians in any region is now found in Tambov oblast (97.8 per cent).15 (5) The ethnic republics make up just 28.6 per cent of the territory and only 15.7 per cent of the population.16 Furthermore, of the twenty-one republics, the eponymous population comprises a majority in only seven; Chechnya, Chuvashiya, Dagestan,17 Ingushetiya, Kalmykiya, North Osetiya-Alaniya, and

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Open Access (free)
Potentials of disorder in the Caucasus and Yugoslavia
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

triggered the first Chechen war (1994–96), which Russia lost on the battlefield. Since October 1999, Russia has again engaged the Chechen guerrillas, trying to re-establish its state authority. Surprisingly, Chechnya’s neighbour, 2 Introduction the republic of Dagestan, has avoided internal turmoil and has opted to stay within the Russian Federation. Kisriev’s Chapter 6 in this volume discusses the factors that caused the very different response to the Soviet breakdown by these two republics which share many structural similarities. In Yugoslavia, there were also four major

in Potentials of disorder
Cameron Ross

, and 10.4 times higher than in the Republic of Dagestan.25 In 1999 the average level of unemployment in the Russian Federation was 13.4 per cent but there were wide variations across the country ranging from 5.6 per cent in Moscow City to 31.2 per cent in Dagestan, 33.4 per cent in North Osetiya-Alaniya, and 51.8 per cent in refugee flooded Ingushetiya.26 There are also significant variations in the level of poverty across the Federation. In 1995 there were 51 subjects of the Federation where a quarter of the population or higher were living below the officially

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Crafting authoritarian regimes in Russia’s regions and republics
Cameron Ross

must not exceed two percent of the total number of voters’ in the electoral district where the candidate is standing’ (article 31.1).14 However, in the republics of FAD9 10/17/2002 160 6:03 PM Page 160 Federalism and democratisation in Russia Buryatiya, Sakha, Tyva; Stavropol¢ Krai, Orenburg and Tomsk Oblasts, electoral rules call for nomination signatures from 3 per cent; in Kurgan, Saratov, Chelyabinsk, 5 per cent, and in Dagestan and Kalmykiya, 10 per cent. The system of collecting signatures is often corrupt, with candidates paying for signatures with

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

complex ethnic geography. As a result, there is a wide array of conflict potential in both regions. However, far from all potential conflicts turned into violent conflicts. In other words, similar permissive conditions do not always and not automatically translate into violent conflicts. In the Caucasus, the most surprising case of stability against all odds is Dagestan (see Chapter 6 in this volume). Despite the fact that this tiny mountainous Republic is home to more than thirty national groups, borders war-torn Chechnya and suffers from dramatic economic deprivation, it

in Potentials of disorder
Regional elections and political parties
Cameron Ross

norm is somewhere between twenty and fifty for oblast assemblies, there are less than twenty deputies in the sparsely populated autonomous okrugs of Ust-Orda Buryatiya, Aginsk Buryat, Komi-Perm, Nenetsk, Chukota, Koryak and Taimyr. In order to increase their status a number of regions have created multi-member electoral districts. In the ethnic republics, which have no restrictions placed on the size of their assemblies, we find much larger assemblies, many with 100 or more deputies. Thus for example: Bashkortostan (190); Tatarstan (130); Dagestan (121); Udmurtiya

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia