This book presents a contemporary, eyewitness account of the life of Martin Luther translated into English. Johannes Cochlaeus (1479–1552) was present in the great hall at the Diet of Worms on April 18, 1521 when Luther made his famous declaration before Emperor Charles V: ‘Here I stand. I can do no other. God help me. Amen’. Afterward, Cochlaeus sought Luther out, met him at his inn, and privately debated with him. Luther wrote of Cochlaeus, ‘may God long preserve this most pious man, born to guard and teach the Gospel of His church, together with His word, Amen’. However, the confrontation left Cochlaeus convinced that Luther was an impious and malevolent man. Over the next twnety-five years, Cochlaeus barely escaped the Peasant's War with his life. He debated with Melanchthon and the reformers of Augsburg. It was Cochlaeus who conducted the authorities to the clandestine printing press in Cologne, where William Tyndale was preparing the first English translation of the New Testament (1525). For an eyewitness account of the Reformation—and the beginnings of the Catholic Counter-Reformation—no other historical document matches the first-hand experience of Cochlaeus. After Luther's death, it was rumoured that demons seized the reformer on his death-bed and dragged him off to Hell. In response to these rumours, Luther's friend and colleague Philip Melanchthon wrote and published a brief encomium of the reformer in 1548. Cochlaeus consequently completed and published his monumental life of Luther in 1549.
Charles V: ‘Here I 1 2 Introduction stand. I can do no other. God help me. Amen.’ Afterward, Cochlaeus sought out Luther, met him, and debated with him. Luther recalled their confrontation with patience; he wrote of Cochlaeus, ‘may God long preserve this most pious man, born to guard and teach the Gospel for His church, together with His word, Amen.’ 4 But the encounter left Cochlaeus deeply embittered, and convinced that Luther was an impious and malevolent man. When Luther published his September Bible (1522) and gave the Germans the New Testament in vernacular
out westwards from the Pillars of Hercules in pursuit of true philosophy. Bacon’s choice of metaphor was never accidental; judicious, even forensic, would be more apt descriptions.17 His reworking of this particular image has further connotations: as other critics have noted, the Pillars of Hercules are an image of power. They were the centre-piece of an emblem used by the Emperor Charles V, ruler of much of Europe and the Americas.18 The imperial connotations of this image were clear to sixteenth-century commentators whose ‘happie conquest of the West Indies’, as
ascertained the opinions of the erudite and learned about these very matters, and in that Convention that the Emperor Charles V held in the city of Cologne after his coronation, affectionately bade Erasmus of Rotterdam to say freely whether he reckoned Luther was wrong in these controversies about which he had especially discoursed. Then Erasmus clearly said that he thought Luther was correct, but that he wanted mildness in the man. Wherefore, when Duke Frederick afterward wrote to Luther with the greatest seriousness, he strongly encouraged him to lighten the harshness of
Christian faith and religion. . . And may pious posterity learn from this to resist new dissensions of this sort quickly when they occur, to capture the predators when they are still small, before they become strong and aided by sedition, when they cannot be caught without great harm or calamity. 56 Perhaps the most eloquent evidence of the purpose of the Commentary is found at the end of the 1549 edition. The Edict of Worms, with which the new Emperor, Charles V, condemned Luther in 1521, is reproduced at the end of Cochlaeus’s massive tome, supplemented only by
between France and Sweden during the time of the Westphalian Peace Congress, see Tischer, Französische Diplomatie, pp. 295–310. 34 Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation 1671 that it was necessary to pay money to the elector, although he was already separated from France owing to the political situation.23 Subsidies in French politics In 1552, Henri II of France initiated a significant policy of subsidies with the Treaty of Chambord.24 He concluded an alliance with several Protestant German princes against Emperor Charles V, which was the climax of a French
idea of individual accountability prevailed in modern medicine, the opportunities to tackle the economic consequences of professional liability changed fundamentally. The first popular court case and the discourse on medical negligence from 1800 Until around 1800, the German term used for medical misconduct was Unkunst , a word that went back to the criminal code established by the German emperor Charles V in 1532, known under its Latin name of Constitutio Criminalis Carolina . 15
galleon sailing beyond them.17 Furthermore, he appropriated the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V’s expansionist and heroic motto plus ultra (further yet) and applied it to his scientific schemes.18 Such images were used to argue that future English discoveries – including navigational voyages – would restore Man’s lost dominion over Nature. But to discover whether Bacon’s confident representation of the benefits of scientific colonialism continues in his later work we need to look at the ways in which Bacon represented science, travel, and colonialism in the New Atlantis
Cristóbal Duarte Ballester’, Medieval Encounters 12/3 (2006), 519–32, 523. Guido Kisch has shown how in Germany’s Reichs-Polizeiordnung of 1530, Emperor Charles V ordered the death penalty for blasphemy after two convictions. See Guido Kisch, ‘The Jewish Execution’, in Kisch (ed.), Forschungen zur Rechts-,Wirtschaft- und Sozialgeschichte der Juden in Deutschland während des Mittelalters (Zurich: Europa Verlag, 1955), pp. 103–32, p. 131. In 1559 the Senate of Milan issued an edict against profane cursing, and a little later the Grand Duke of Tuscany did the same. See Peter
Protestant conviction that miracles had ceased, or at least were not to be expected,136 would seem to leave little room for the supernatural in early modern life, and it appears to have been important to the early reformers to demonstrate that miracles, which seemed to legitimate the teaching of the Catholic Church, were in fact no more than trickery. Under the iconoclastic Protestant regime of Edward VI’s protector, Somerset, the Spanish ambassador van der Delft wrote as follows to Emperor Charles V: Many persons who still persevere in the holy ancient faith murmur