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The challenge of Eurasian security governance

Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

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’s eastward enlargement and to step up co-operation on peacekeeping (such as in Bosnia and Kosovo), anti-terrorism and ways to curb the spread of weapons of mass destruction.4 In addition, Russia was invited to join numerous other non-NATO members – and all NATO countries – in a new, at the time, forty-threemember Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) with basically the same purpose.5 A similar agreement – a Charter of a Distinctive Partnership (again no treaty value) – was concluded in Madrid in 1997 between NATO and Ukraine, providing for the two sides to develop a

in Destination Europe

Parties, when in or over these territories … or the Mediterranean Sea or the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer’. See NATO Facts and Figures , p. 377. 60 Basic Document of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (Press Release MNACC-EAPC-1(97)66) (Brussels, NATO Press Service, 1997), p. 1

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

effort to integrate these states into the Atlantic security system via the PfP programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. China and Russia, in turn, adopted a more traditional strategy of limited multilateralism with the creation of the ‘Shanghai Five’, which was later institutionalised as the SCO. Both China and the United States have sought preponderant influence, if not hegemony, in the region. Moreover, the 107 2504Chap6 7/4/03 12:40 pm Page 108 Security threats Sino-American competition means that China and the United States, almost by definition

in Limiting institutions?

NATO which it had originally obtained in May 1998. This was forthcoming when Solana and Clark visited Macedonia in November of that year in order to secure the in-principle agreement of the Macedonians to the deployment of XFOR. The Macedonian Foreign Minister subsequently told his colleagues at a meeting of NATO’s Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) – the PfP’s supervisory body – of ‘the expected support, on a mutual

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
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the creation of the NATO– Russia Council in 2002 and the ten-country NATO enlargement foreseen for 2004. Enlargement itself may strengthen transatlantic security ties, since the new NATO members in Central and Eastern Europe are more positive to continued US commitment to Europe than are some of the old, as shown in the crisis over Iraq in 2003. NATO’s Partnership for Peace and Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council will lose some of their relevance as NATO enlarges, but can still serve as useful fora for the widest possible participation by countries in peacekeeping

in Destination Europe