society. 8 Charles Alexandrowicz has argued that the shrinking of international society’s scope to ‘Eurocentrism’ was due to the switch from natural law, which was universal, to positivism, with its emphasis on treaty law, sovereignty, international personality and recognition (as constitutive of statehood) confined to the so-called ‘civilized states’ as original members of the ‘family of nations’. 9 This is arguable, for many nineteenth century jurists

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

. Eurocentrism has taught us to see the potential end of an era in every relative change in Western power. Thinking about the role of humanitarianism today requires that we don’t reproduce or unwittingly celebrate Western-led order by mourning the end of a history that never actually existed. Given past and present non-Western experiences of liberal order, we might ask: what’s there to mourn? My personal experiences of research and knowledge production regarding humanitarianism have reinforced in me an anti-colonial ethos – an intellectual opposition to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Setting the precedent

This book is an attempt at a comprehensive presentation of the history of humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century, the heyday of this controversial doctrine. It starts with a brief presentation of the present situation and debate. The theoretical first part of the book starts with the genealogy of the idea, namely the quest for the progenitors of the idea in the sixteenth and seventeenth century which is a matter of controversy. Next the nineteenth century ‘civilization-barbarity’ dichotomy is covered and its bearing on humanitarian intervention, with its concomitant Eurocentric/Orientalist gaze towards the Ottomans and other states, concluding with the reaction of the Ottomans (as well as the Chinese and Japanese). Then the pivotal international law dimension is scrutinized, with the arguments of advocates and opponents of humanitarian intervention from the 1830s until the 1930s. The theoretical part of the book concludes with nineteenth century international political theory and intervention (Kant, Hegel, Cobden, Mazzini and especially J.S. Mill). In the practical second part of the book four cases studies of humanitarian intervention are examined in considerable detail: the Greek case (1821-1831), the Lebanon/Syria case (1860-61), the Balkan crisis and Bulgarian case (1875-78) in two chapters, and the U.S. intervention in Cuba (1895-98). Each cases study concludes with its bearing on the evolution of international norms and rules of conduct in instances of humanitarian plights. The concluding chapter identifies the main characteristics of intervention on humanitarian grounds during this period and today’s criticism and counter-criticism.

Open Access (free)

humanitarian justification was important for the general European acceptance of the interventions’; and the essential goal of these humanitarian interventions, ‘namely to stop or prevent large-scale massacres, was mostly accomplished’. 9 Eurocentrism, Orientalism, binary oppositions of civilized and barbarian/savage, the standard of civilization and, not least, the negative image of the ‘Turks’ cast a shadow on the nineteenth-century idea of humanitarian

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?

identity discourses on to somewhere which, by not sharing Britain's colonial history, also lacked Britain's insecurities about race, meant I did not even write down a citation. Scholarship by feminist and queer writers of colour, and campaigns to decentre Eurocentrism and whiteness at UK universities, would challenge me to rethink my past work on post-Yugoslav identities, as would listening on Twitter to a philosopher of critical race theory I had first followed for her disability activism, and trying to understand what I had meant when, teaching at

in Race and the Yugoslav region

current argument. In an effort to avoid Eurocentrism –​a second issue –​Eisenstadt specifies heterogeneity, divergence and polycentricity in social formations as the principal objects of analysis (Eisenstadt and Schlucter, 1998). What results is a qualified pluralism 32 32 Debating civilisations that struggles with the questions of the origins of modernity. The question of which modernity and which programme emerged first is a vexing one from the outset. In setting bearings for the multiple modernities paradigm, Eisenstadt and Schlucter affirm that the balance of

in Debating civilisations

takes aim at the reproduction of essentialism that post-​colonial sociologists perceive in comparative studies of civilisations. Furthermore, post-​ colonial sociologists are explicitly critical of the comparative sociology of multiple modernities on the grounds that it fails to meets its own stated objective of going beyond Eurocentrism. Their critiques home in on how comparative sociologists have retained an unreconstructed notion of modernity incapable of reflecting the breadth of historical experiences of colonialism. Between the two fields there are significant

in Debating civilisations
Open Access (free)
Retrieving a ‘Global’ American Philosopher

institutions and provide a platform for social movements, activists and citizens to communicate and politically organize on a global level. More radical positions look to social movements such as the Zapatistas, antiglobalization and Occupy Movement not only to transcend the spatial globalism and Eurocentrism of modern cosmopolitanism but also to displace global capitalist relations in the formation of a new and novel form of global democracy (Hardt and Negri 1999, 2004, 2011). Post-Westphalian global democracy is not without its own critics, however. As Scholte (2012: 10

in John Dewey
Gender, sexual difference and knowledge in Bacon’s New Atlantis

not specifically patriarchal. In summary, then, the first part of the fable offers a revisioning of Euro-centrism via an inductive reading experience19 which sets up a neutral place from which we as sceptical readers revalue and critique Western ideologies and epistemologies. The fable’s second part provides a history, a set of external relationships, and systems of belief for that island, which are inversions of European traditions. Where gendered allegories or metaphors are used, the text explicitly denies them a conventional meaning. Gender is used non

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis
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already rejected the notion that Britain and the Yugoslav region belong to separate spheres of history (whether those are ‘Western’/‘Eastern’ European or ‘postcolonial’/‘postsocialist’), makes it impossible not to ask how race and whiteness have shaped national identities in the Yugoslav region, where I have so often researched identification with the modernity of ‘Europe’. Seeking to answer the challenges to Eurocentrism and ‘white ignorance’ (Mills 2015 ) made by current struggles for racial justice inside and outside the university, I come late to questions east

in Race and the Yugoslav region