Matthew Hunt, Sharon O’Brien, Patrick Cadwell and Dónal P. O’Mathúna
et al. (eds), Proceedings of the
Tenth International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation
(Portorož, Slovenia) , pp.
4543 – 9 .
Crack , A. ,
Footitt , H.
W. ( 2018 ), Respecting Communities in
International Development: Languages and Cultural Understanding ,
This book reviews a variety of approaches to the study of the European Union's foreign policy. Much analysis of EU foreign policy contains theoretical assumptions about the nature of the EU and its member states, their inter-relationships, the international system in which they operate and the nature of European integration. The book outlines the possibilities for the use of discourse analysis in the study of European foreign policy. It sets out to explore the research problem using a political-cultural approach and seeks to illuminate the cognitive mind-maps with which policy-makers interpret their political 'realities'. The book provides an overview and analysis of some of the non-realist approaches to international relations and foreign policy, and proposes an analytical framework with which to explore the complex interplay of factors affecting European foreign policy. The book suggests one way of seeking theoretical parsimony without sacriﬁcing the most deﬁning empirical knowledge which has been generated about Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over the years. It argues that while the sui generis nature of CFSP presents an acute problem for international relations theory, it is less pronounced with regard to traditional integration theory. The book discusses the dimensions of European foreign policy-making with reference to the case of arms export controls. Situated at the interface between European studies and international relations, it outlines how the EU relates to the rest of the world, explaining its effort towards creating a credible, effective and principled foreign, security and defence policy.
overlapped with the end of state socialism and the Yugoslav wars, this asymmetric relationship led to a decisive theoretical conjunction when scholars brought up in the region but working in the USA applied postcolonial theory to explaining postsocialism (Bakić-Hayden and Hayden 1992 ; Todorova 1994, 1997
; Bakić-Hayden 1995 ). Postcolonial thought is still closer to the centre of south-east Europeanstudies than many other fields.
An image from another discipline which (after the Yugoslav wars) shares many topics with south
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
making sense of ex-Yugoslavia, ‘the Balkans’ and ‘eastern Europe’ has been inspiring reinterpretations of the region's transnational and global history that multiplied even as this book was being written, it is no longer possible – and never should have been – to contend that the Yugoslav region stands somehow ‘outside’ race. The question is where it stands, and why that has gone unspoken for so long.
My own research has reproduced this disregard for race, a sense that race was not something south-east Europeanstudies ‘needed to know’. In 2006 or
Between international relations and European studies
Ben Tonra and Thomas Christiansen
crucial aspects of foreign
policy change. By focusing upon policy outputs there is a danger that the
evolution of policy-making and, crucially, the impact or significance of
that evolution upon the member states is undervalued or dismissed.
Fewer studies have sought to make explicit theoretical claims
upon CFSP and to situate it in broader debates within either Europeanstudies or international relations. Certainly the realist
everyday experiences of belonging in old and new homes (Silverstein 2005 ; Yuval-Davis 2011 ).
Just as ethnicity has been more central than race in south-east Europeanstudies, certain migrations – those necessary to understand majority ethnic identities, their forced migrations and diasporas – have been more central than others, which do not need to be explained to tell the history of majoritarian ethnicity but are integral to understanding the place of ‘race’. Indeed, even the ethnopolitical violence responsible for forced migrations within and
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Black EuropeanStudies (see Gilman 1982 ; Campt 2004 ) – into the Habsburg Empire. German-language literary, visual and consumer culture was part of the Habsburg South Slav everyday, as Pamela Ballinger ( 2004 : 35) and Maria Todorova ( 2005b : 157) both hint when suggesting the aesthetics of whiteness, blackness and race-as-blood in Germany described by Uli Linke ( 1999 ) might have been disseminated to their regions of interest. Just as scholars trace the production of whiteness through ‘cultural archive[s]’ (Wekker 2016 : 2) of advertising material, travel
Modern Kent: Stereotypes and the
Background to Accusations’, in New Perspectives on Witchcraft, Magic,
and Demonology, vol. 3, edited by Brian Levack (New York: Routledge,
2001), pp. 173–203 (pp. 182–85).
10 Gareth Roberts, ‘The Descendants of Circe: Witches and Renaissance
Fictions’, in Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe: Studies in Culture and
Belief, edited by Jonathan Barry, Marianne Hester, and Gareth Roberts
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 183–206 (p. 186).
used to inspire new, and more explicitly fictional, works of literature
Politics’, Journal of EuropeanStudies, 39:3 (2009), pp. 305–19, p. 315.
On biologisation, see Wetzell, Inventing the Criminal, pp. 125–78; on the depiction
of crime in popular culture, see, for example, Maria Tatar, Lustmord: Sexual
Murder in Weimar Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
12 Todd Herzog, ‘Crime Stories: Criminal, Society, and the Modernist Case History’,
Representations, 80 (2002), pp. 34–61, p. 35.
13 Daniel Siemens, ‘Explaining Crime. Berlin Newspapers and the Construction of
the Criminal in Weimar Germany’, Journal of European