This book reviews a variety of approaches to the study of the European Union's foreign policy. Much analysis of EU foreign policy contains theoretical assumptions about the nature of the EU and its member states, their inter-relationships, the international system in which they operate and the nature of European integration. The book outlines the possibilities for the use of discourse analysis in the study of European foreign policy. It sets out to explore the research problem using a political-cultural approach and seeks to illuminate the cognitive mind-maps with which policy-makers interpret their political 'realities'. The book provides an overview and analysis of some of the non-realist approaches to international relations and foreign policy, and proposes an analytical framework with which to explore the complex interplay of factors affecting European foreign policy. The book suggests one way of seeking theoretical parsimony without sacriﬁcing the most deﬁning empirical knowledge which has been generated about Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over the years. It argues that while the sui generis nature of CFSP presents an acute problem for international relations theory, it is less pronounced with regard to traditional integration theory. The book discusses the dimensions of European foreign policy-making with reference to the case of arms export controls. Situated at the interface between European studies and international relations, it outlines how the EU relates to the rest of the world, explaining its effort towards creating a credible, effective and principled foreign, security and defence policy.
Reconstruction and reconciliation; confrontation and oppression
Kjell M. Torbiörn
reconstruction and reconciliation;
confrontation and oppression
If … the European Defence Community should not become effective; if France
and Germany remain apart … That would compel an agonising reappraisal of
basic United States policy. (John Foster Dulles)1
Reconstruction in Western Europe, completed by the early 1950s, led to
unbounded optimism about future economic growth and to a strong
desire for closer integration. Following the creation of the Council of
Europe in 1949 among ten West European countries, six went further in
This monograph seeks to examine the motivations for the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional economic integration organisation. This monograph argues that the dominant explanations in the literature -- balancing the US, global aspirations, being an external federator, long-standing economic and cultural ties, economic interdependence, and the Europeanization of Spanish and Portuguese national foreign policies – fail to adequately explain the EU’s policy. In particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing extensive primary documents, this monograph argues that the major developments in the relationship -- the 1992 Inter-institutional Agreement and the 1995 Europe Mercosur Inter-regional Framework Cooperation Agreement – were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. This means that rather than the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive.
This study interprets and interrelates the major political, economic and security developments in Europe – including transatlantic relations – from the end of World War II up until the present time, and looks ahead to how the continent may evolve politically in the future. It weaves all the different strands of European events together into a single picture that gives the reader a deep understanding of the continent, and of its current and future challenges. The first chapters trace European reconstruction and political, economic and security developments – both in the East and in the West – leading up to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Later chapters examine the European Union's reform efforts, enlargement, movement to a single currency and emerging security role; the political and economic changes in central and Eastern Europe, including Russia; the break up of Yugoslavia and the wars that ensued; and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)'s enlargement and search for a new mission. Final chapters deal with forces affecting Europe's future, such as terrorism, nationalism, religion, demographic trends and globalisation.
This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.
Where is Europe heading?
Stability … has commonly resulted not from a quest for peace but from a
generally accepted legitimacy … It means no more than an international
agreement about the nature of workable arrangements and about the permissible
aims and methods of foreign policy. It implies the acceptance of the framework
of the international order by all major powers, at least to the extent that no state
is so dissatisfied that … it expresses its dissatisfaction in a revolutionary foreign
policy. A legitimate order does not make conflicts impossible, but it
A new European Union
A state without the means of some change is without the means of its own
conservation. (Edmund Burke)1
A series of EU summits – Amsterdam in 1997, Berlin and Helsinki in 1999
and Nice in 2000 – focused on the need for inner reform of the institution against the prospect of future enlargement and new competences.
The general tendency was for increased intergovernmentalism, that is,
more power in the hands of the EU’s Council of Ministers and greater
influence for the European Parliament.
The Helsinki Summit
The increasing commercialisation of sport raises important questions concerning regulation. The development of the European Union (EU) and the internationalization of sporting competition have added an international dimension to this debate. Yet sport is not only a business, it is a social and cultural activity. Can regulation at the EU level reconcile this tension? Adopting a distinctive legal and political analysis, this book argues that the EU is receptive to the claim of sport for special treatment before the law. It investigates the birth of EU sports law and policy by examining the impact of the Bosman ruling and other important European Court of Justice decisions, the relationship between sport and EU competition law, focusing particularly on the broadcasting of sport, the organization of sport and the international transfer system, and the relationship between sport and the EU Treaty, focusing in particular on the impact of the Amsterdam and Nice declarations on sport and the significance of the Helsinki report on sport. This text raises questions concerning the appropriate theoretical tools for analysing European integration.
The European Union’s dilemma
The European Union’s dilemma:
towards a union or not?
From its humble beginnings, [the Roman Empire] has grown so much that it is
now suffering under its own size. (Titus Livius)1
In March 1999 the European Commission, the European Union’s executive
branch, resigned under accusations of fraud, nepotism and mismanagement, leading to intensive soul-searching as to what could be the right
form of management for the EU. How could the democratic aspects of
the emerging entity be enhanced? How could democracy be improved
collectivities (‘identity’). Although it has become
slightly embarrassing to make yet another effort to reconceptualise
‘security’, I argue in this chapter that a critical
approach is required, mainly because ‘security’ is a
fundamental point of reference and an essential modifier for a state
that is gradually losing its pre-eminence within Europe and the wider
world. In many ways, it is ‘national security’ that