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Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Open Access (free)
Jacopo Pili

Conclusion and non-Fascist press at the time of the Corfu incident in 1923 underlined how Anglophobia had certainly not disappeared from Italy’s public domain. Whatever the reasons for the following era of good relations between Fascist Italy and Britain, the general lack of friction between the two countries’ foreign policies led to the development of a relatively diverse discourse regarding the British Empire within the country. Open hostility virtually disappeared, to be replaced by a more sophisticated attempt to understand the state of the Empire. Bitter Anglophobic

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Britain in the Nordicist/Mediterraneanist debate
Jacopo Pili

, because of its greediness for wealth, the cause and origin of every European perturbation and calamity.88 Even more than Modica’s, Tosti’s article combined a strongly Mediterraneanist and Lamarckian point of view with a clear anti-German attitude.89 It is easy to imagine how infuriated Landra would have been by reading opinions that 112 chapter 4 were so diametrically opposed to his own in the magazine that was once the main voice of the biological Nordicist faction. Racism was only institutionalised in Fascist Italy in the second half of the 1930s. The late and

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Open Access (free)
Jacopo Pili

Felice, maintains that Mussolini’s foreign policy was opportunistic and realistic and that, far from being prejudicially hostile to Britain, the Duce long sought an agreement with London, an aspiration repeatedly disappointed by British rigidity during and after the Ethiopian War of 1935–1937. According to this point of view, Fascist Italy enjoyed good relations with Britain (apart from minor, negligible incidents, like Corfu) before 1935. Even after this date, Mussolini never lost hope that he could reach a general agreement to limit German influence, aiming to

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Jacopo Pili

years. What the regime told the Italian people during this period, and The Representation of British Foreign Policy 13 what Italian culture and media said when relatively free of strict instructions on the subject, can of course help shed light on the direction Fascist Italy’s relationship with Britain was taking. However, it can also tell us much about how the regime perceived itself. The perspective would hence not be a study of foreign policy but focus instead on internal Italian discourse. When assessing Fascist relations with the British Empire, Laura Cerasi

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Jacopo Pili

Baldoli demonstrated, the contacts between Italian and British Fascists were seen as part of such an initiative.8 What were the cultural reasons behind Mussolini’s attitude towards Britain in the context of his attempt to create a Fascist Europe? While Baldoli underlined that the attempt to establish a new Fascist European order seemed to develop particularly during the years preceding the Second World War – even though it had been evident from the beginning of the 1930s – the notion that Britain had fallen behind Fascist Italy in terms of political, social and economic

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy
Contemporary monumentality, entropy, and migration at the gateway to Europe
Tenley Bick

from northeastern Algeria to Tripoli (Bullo, 2002 : 1–3); in the early twentieth century, in liberal and Fascist Italy, North and East African colonies were formalized in the Italian colonial states of Africa Settentrionale Italiana (1911–41) and Africa Orientale Italiana (1936–41). 4 The Porta's design as an architectural form associated with passage and dwelling – post-and-lintel archaic architecture was a key reference for Paladino – is complicated by its “open

in Migrants shaping Europe, past and present
Open Access (free)
Europe’s ‘zero hour’
Kjell M. Torbiörn

malleability of humans; and the vastness of the Soviet Union’s land mass awed the West and led many there to despair of the future of capitalism and democracy. In this, the post-war years resembled the 1930s, when the United Kingdom had stood virtually alone in Europe in defence of those principles against fascist Italy and Germany and the communist Soviet Union. The crucial difference between the two periods was of course the United States – the strength of its economy and military and its increasing commitment to Western Europe. The post-World War II era thus continued

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Helen Solterer
and
Vincent Joos

, the Siqilliyat , in an Italian literary tradition brings Kumar to weigh the repercussions of identifying Ibn Hamdîs as kin to another poet in exile, Dante. Today's migrant writers in Italy draw on a further range of language, the result of more recent, twentieth-century colonial occupations, yet no less part of the cultures of this country. Arabic is still influential; so are Somali, Amharic, and Tigrinya, the vernaculars of East Africa in Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, which Mussolini had attempted to claim for Fascist Italy. To account for the range of

in Migrants shaping Europe, past and present
Jacopo Pili

Ch a pter 3 Appraisals of Britain’s Military Strength and War Propaganda [Britain] is convinced that the life of the British citizen is too precious to be risked in the petty fights among continental countries.1 F or Mussolini, war was the greatest test of nations and ideologies, and it was the pursuit of war and imperial expansion that led Fascist Italy down the path of hostility with Britain.2 However, war itself proved the doom of the Fascist experiment, mainly at the hands of the British Empire. The Italian Fascist representation of Great Britain from a

in Anglophobia in Fascist Italy