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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.

An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade], were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask ‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it also be expected to respect human rights

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

This chapter seeks to identify the main determinants of the European Union (EU) trade policy in relation to the developing countries. It asks why the EU has adopted trade liberalisation rather than any other option for the future of its relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states, and in stark contrast to the previous policies. The chapter looks at the general policy environment in which EU policy towards the Lomé countries has been made. It then looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution and response to the phenomenon referred to here in shorthand as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this, which is reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The chapter provides an analysis of the political interests at stake in the trade liberalisation debate.

in EU development cooperation
Open Access (free)

Currency Unit EDC European Defence Community EEA European Economic Area EEC European Economic Community EFTA European Free Trade Area EM European Monetary System EMI European Monetary Institute EMU Economic and Monetary Union EP European Parliament ERM Exchange Rate Mechanism ESCB European System of Central Banks EU European Union EUA European Unit of Account EURATOM European Atomic Energy Community ESCB European System of Central Banks G-7 Group of Seven G-8 Group of Eight GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade IGC

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
Open Access (free)
Europe’s ‘zero hour’

countries in currencyexchange-rate difficulties). Finally, the Americans insisted on more open trade: at European level through the OEEC as a condition for Marshall Plan money and at world level through the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), concluded in 1947. The International Trade Organisation (ITO) was to have formed – together with the Bretton Woods Institutions in the economic field and the United Nations (with its Security Council) in the political and security domain – the ‘triad’ for a New World Order. However, in the end the ITO was not ratified by

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)

), help to integrate the international economic policies of countries concerned. Trade policy was discussed in the context of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which sought to expand free trade. 44 There was also cooperation through the World Bank. In the years after Bretton Woods both Labour and Conservative governments were committed to retaining a strong pound and to preserving the sterling area as symbols of continued preeminence

in A ‘special relationship’?

on Tariffs and Trade (Grieco 1990 ), including the so-called Uruguay round, which resulted in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Furthermore, it has been tested within specific trade issues, such as the EU–US banana dispute (Stevens 1996 ), Commissioner Karel van Miert’s effective intervention in the Boeing–McDonnell Douglas merger, and innumerable other cases since. Fifth, although Europe’s policy on ex-Yugoslavia came

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) regime. Under enormous pressure from the South, the industrialised countries did participate in UNCTAD, albeit reluctantly. In the course of discussions they proposed that UNCTAD be placed under the authority of ECOSOC rather than be created as an autonomous specialised agency. Another proposal, which envisaged equal representation of developed and

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

guidelines. However, these issues were also in some part a product 114 The EU’s policy towards Mercosur of the guidelines. The reorganization of EU–Latin American relations is linked to the reformulation of the structure of the GSP (Cepal 1999). The revision was planned for 1991 but was postponed until 1995 due to the delay in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) (Sanahuja 1999). Arguably this had an effect on the new GSP as the new GSP set tariff rates depending on how suitable the products were for EU producers, as well as how developed the country was

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
Order and security in post-Cold War Europe

liberalisation of trade and investment on terms favourable to American interests. To attain all three objectives, the US had to maintain a strong influence in Europe, and either cooperation on economic and security issues had to be mutually reinforcing or, at worst, conflicts in one area (especially economic) had to be prevented from contaminating relations in the other. The fact that the US sought to institutionalise its relationship with the Union almost at the same time as the collapse of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) talks in 1990 is a case in point

in Theory and reform in the European Union