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Exiles in the British Isles 1940–44
Author: Nicholas Atkin

It is widely assumed that the French in the British Isles during the Second World War were fully fledged supporters of General de Gaulle, and that, across the channel at least, the French were a ‘nation of resisters’. This study reveals that most exiles were on British soil by chance rather than by design, and that many were not sure whether to stay. Overlooked by historians, who have concentrated on the ‘Free French’ of de Gaulle, these were the ‘Forgotten French’: refugees swept off the beaches of Dunkirk; servicemen held in camps after the Franco-German armistice; Vichy consular officials left to cater for their compatriots; and a sizeable colonist community based mainly in London. Drawing on little-known archival sources, this study examines the hopes and fears of those communities who were bitterly divided among themselves, some being attracted to Pétain as much as to de Gaulle.

Open Access (free)
Communities, circumstances and choices
Nicholas Atkin

the Chartist demonstrations in Hyde Park. After the collapse of the Second Empire in 1870, he set up an ersatz court at Chislehurst in Kent, where he died in 1873, not so far from Petts Wood, the temporary home of General de Gaulle in autumn 1940. For many years afterwards, the Orpington Museum proudly displayed a copy of de Gaulle’s bill for coal deliveries.7 The upheavals that toppled kings and emperors also uprooted revolutionaries and artists. The political activists Godefroy Cavaignac, Louis Blanc, and Alexandre Ledru-Rollin all took shelter in London, as did

in The forgotten French
Neil Macmaster

. But other petitions, often written by Muslim women with biros in school exercise books in broken French, were more individualised and reflected the hopes and aspirations of the more educated young Algerian women in the circles. For example, Dalila Benached of Hammam-bou-Hadjar, noted, ‘I am proud to have voted with my Muslim sisters for General de Gaulle’, and was also honoured because she was able to read and write and so able to present the petition on behalf of all those who had ‘signed’ below with a fingerprint: Our European sisters want to help us to live like

in Burning the veil
Open Access (free)
Servicemen
Nicholas Atkin

willingness to join General de Gaulle’.2 These men were, of course, the majority. When, on 18 June 1940, de Gaulle emitted his ‘call to honour’, the response was feeble, a fact acknowledged by even the most unreconstructed of the general’s hagiographers. It has been calculated that, in mid-August 1940, the numbers of Free French, ‘volunteers of the first hour’, in both Britain and across the world, numbered approximately 8,000.3 It is, though, these initial ralliés whose stories have been told over and over again, both by historians and by themselves.4 History remembers the

in The forgotten French
Open Access (free)
La colonie Française
Nicholas Atkin

the UFOM, the Ministry of Information gave the same response as it did to a telegram from a British diplomatic official in Tokyo where, presumably, Picarda’s agents had also been active: Union referred to is small organisation which, while not owing allegiance to General de Gaulle, is in favour of resistance. At present, our only criticism of it is that it pretends to be something more than it is.103 Internally, however, the Ministry was especially critical of Picarda, who was regarded as ‘an ambitious politician’.104 Suspicion also centred on some of the UFOM

in The forgotten French
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

The Vichy consulates
Nicholas Atkin

game’ strategy, the notion that Pétain hoodwinked the Germans by professing his genuine interest in collaboration while persuading Britain to ease its blockade on France and so allow General de Gaulle to carry the torch of resistance overseas. Contrary to what is sometimes thought, the double-game theory was not an invention unveiled at the marshal’s trial in 1945 by his defence lawyer Jacques Isorni; instead it originated in the minds of those Pétainists of the first hour who refused to believe that their hero was consorting with the Germans unless he possessed some

in The forgotten French
Open Access (free)
The break-up of a party confederation
Nicolas Sauger

present separate candidates was only taken one month before the elections, and so a number of candidates were only fielded at the eleventh hour. Indeed, in some cases UDF candidates were in fact members of DL. 27 The growth of New UDF in 2002 (Tables 7.1 and 7.2) derive principally from other components of the UDF which remained within New UDF. 28 In 1958, during the first legislative elections of the Fifth Republic, the Independents of the CNI – the precursors to the PR – won 118 seats and became the second largest group in the National Assembly. General de Gaulle’s

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Refugees
Nicholas Atkin

until the time comes for you to return once again to your country.’28 Depending on which version was being relayed, it ended, ‘Long Live Queen Wilhelmina’, ‘Long Live King Leopold’, and always ‘God save King George’. There was no ‘Vive, la France’; nor later was there ‘Vive, le maréchal Pétain’, or for that matter ‘Vive, le général de Gaulle’. Reading the minutes of the local government authorities in London, it seems that the reception of refugees went without a hitch. ‘An intimation from the Ministry of Health that about 1,200 refugees will be 2499 Chap2 7

in The forgotten French
The role of France and French interests in European development policy since 1957
Anne-Sophie Claeys

.-C. Smouts (ed.), Les Nouvelles Relations Internationales. Pratiques et Théories, Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale de Science Politique. Lister, M. R. (1988), The European Community and the Developing World, Aldershot: Avebury. Mitterrand, F. (1957), Présence Française et Abandon, Paris: Plon. Moravcsik, A. (1999 and 2000), ‘Le grain et la grandeur: les origines économiques de la politique européenne du Général de Gaulle’, Revue Française de Science Politique 49: 4–5, pp. 507–43 (première partie); 50: 1, pp. 73–122 (deuxième partie). Moreau-Desfarges, Ph. (1994

in EU development cooperation