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Responses to crisis and modernisation

This book considers the underlying causes of the end of social democracy's golden age. It argues that the cross-national trend in social democratic parties since the 1970s has been towards an accommodation with neo-liberalism and a corresponding dilution of traditional social democratic commitments. The book looks at the impact of the change in economic conditions on social democracy in general, before examining the specific cases of Germany, Sweden and Australia. It examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy. The book also looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. It considers the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from its re-emergence as a significant political force during the 1970s until the present day under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The book also examines the evolution of the Swedish model in conjunction with social democratic reformism and the party's relations to the union movement. It explores the latest debate about what the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) stands for. The SPD became the role model for programmatic modernisation for the European centre-left. The book considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. It aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of 'third way' social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century.

Towards a third way and back?
Hartwig Pautz

7 The modernisation of German social democracy: towards a third way and back? Hartwig Pautz The German Social Democratic Party (SPD) has undergone a number of revisions since its birth in the nineteenth century. This chapter will explore the latest debate about what the SPD stands for. As a programme party, the debate about long-term objectives, values and ideological principles has been of particular importance to party members, its leaders and the public. Hence the focus of this chapter: it will document and analyse the programmatic discourse of the SPD

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Nina Fishman

The need for an open-ended, serious examination of the past, present and future of social democracy was self-evident. Social democrats highlighted the systematic way in which the infant Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was depriving trade unions of independent civil rights and citizens of political freedom. The reality of the dictatorship of the proletariat, they insisted, was a travesty of democratic socialism. British cold war intellectuals and/or politicians who espoused social democracy with zealous rigour found its essence in Kautskyist antagonism to communism and its claim to be the sole heir to the socialist tradition. The underlying similarity between German social democracy and British labourism is undeniable. The German Social Democratic Party (SPD) was the dominant party in the Second Socialist International, not only because of its size and the number of MPs in the Reichstag, but also because of the immense prestige it had gained by successfully defying Bismarck.

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
John Callaghan, Nina Fishman, Ben Jackson, and Martin Mcivor

in Spain and Sweden respectively difficult political and economic constraints have necessitated programmatic and strategic adaptation on the part of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) and the Swedish Social Democrats (SAP) but that, like the French socialists, the PSOE and SAP have nonetheless succeeded in pursuing a recognisably social democratic course. The PSOE and the SAP, we might also note, have probably been the two most electorally successful left parties of the last thirty years. The verdicts on the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
‘Deutschland den Deutschen!’
Cas Mudde

organisation that is officially registered as right-wing extremist by the German State. For an overview of these organisations and the ‘official’ number of organised right-wing extremists, see the annual Verfassungsschutzberichten (further VSB). chap2 28/5/02 13.31 28 Page 28 Germany the sore spot of German politics of that time: the Grand Coalition. This government coalition of the two major parties, the Union block of the CDU and the Bavarian Christlich-Soziale Union (Christian Social Union, CSU) and the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (German Social

in The ideology of the extreme right
Germany, Sweden and Australia compared
Ashley Lavelle

British ‘traditions of individualism and limited government’ (Driver and Martell 1998: 172, 173). Notwithstanding such national variations, the broader trend is clear. Former German Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands – SPD) Finance Minister Oskar Lafontaine (2000: 25) laments the fact that in Europe ‘we are now all neo-liberals and supply-side politicians’. The American version of free-market capitalism has been in the ascendancy (Stiglitz 2003: 4). In order to appreciate how neo-liberalism achieved the status of an orthodoxy, we need to

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

in Treffurt (Thuringia). He became a journalist, and joined the West German Social Democratic Party in 1957. Bahr was given a leading foreign policy advisory role during the grand coalition, serving under Foreign Minister Brandt. When Brandt became Chancellor in 1969, Bahr became a senior negotiator of the agreements later embodied in the ‘Ostpolitik’ treaties with the USSR, Poland and the German Democratic Republic. Having

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
From an enabling towards a disabling state?
Gerhard Bosch and Steffen Lehndorff

interventions in the 40 Making work more equal wage-setting process. The trade unions exerted considerable influence over the form taken by the statutory minimum wage that was agreed by the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) in the coalition talks at the end of 2013. As a consequence, the parties to collective bargaining are able to exert greater influence over the minimum wage than their counterparts in France or the UK, for example. The reference points for any proposed increases are to be the collectively agreed wage rises, so that collective bargaining takes

in Making work more equal
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

deemed to belong to other nations or, as in the case of the Jews, to no nation at all. 15 In this context Luxemburg re-affirmed the significance of Marx's critique of the Jewish question at a time when leading Marxists of the German Social Democratic Party effectively came to adopt Bruno Bauer's uncritical absorption by the Jewish question. 16 She demonstrated a better understanding of the dangers antisemitism posed than did orthodox Marxism. Not

in Antisemitism and the left
Rhiannon Vickers

conference in Bradford in 1893, where delegates included Ben Tillet, George Bernard Shaw, and Keir Hardie, and at which Eduard Bernstein of the German Social Democratic Party made an address. Ramsay MacDonald, in a short history of the ILP, described it as a product of the failure of liberalism to meet the new phase of conflict between capital and labour – where the struggle was no longer for political liberty but for economic enfranchisement – which challenged capitalism as a system.4 Indeed: ‘The socialism of the ILP was based partly on egalitarian and pacifist beliefs

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1