Soaking up the rays forges a new path for exploring Britain’s fickle love of the light by investigating the beginnings of light therapy in the country from c.1890-1940. Despite rapidly becoming a leading treatment for tuberculosis, rickets and other infections and skin diseases, light therapy was a contentious medical practice. Bodily exposure to light, whether for therapeutic or aesthetic ends, persists as a contested subject to this day: recommended to counter psoriasis and other skin conditions as well as Seasonal Affective Disorder (SAD) and depression; closely linked to notions of beauty, happiness and well-being, fuelling tourism to sunny locales abroad and the tanning industry at home; and yet with repeated health warnings that it is a dangerous carcinogen. By analysing archival photographs, illustrated medical texts, advertisements, lamps, and goggles and their visual representation of how light acted upon the body, Woloshyn assesses their complicated contribution to the founding of light therapy. Soaking up the rays will appeal to those intrigued by medicine’s visual culture, especially academics and students of the histories of art and visual culture, material cultures, medicine, science and technology, and popular culture.
Labour Government was an expression of a new spirit in diplomacy
and the beginning of a policy for GreatBritain of the promotion of
peace and reconciliation among the peoples.’34 The lack of parliamentary control over foreign policy and diplomacy had been one of the
Labour Party’s main criticisms while it was in opposition. However,
MacDonald’s own approach was actually quite secretive: as both Prime
Minister and Foreign Secretary he had a very unusual amount of
control over the development of Labour’s foreign policy. He did not
refer many foreign policy questions to
Study in the Politics of
Labour (London: Allen and Unwin, 1961).
For example, Henry Winkler, ‘The emergence of a Labor foreign policy
in GreatBritain, 1918–1929’, Journal of Modern History, 28:3 (1956),
On policy towards Russia, for example, work includes Bill Jones, The
Russia Complex: the British Labour Party and the Soviet Union
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1977); Andrew Williams,
Labour and Russia: The Attitude of the Labour Party to the USSR,
1924–34 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989).
Dan Keohane, Labour Party Defence Policy
situation, to advise … that prorogation.’ It signified the Crown’s displeasure at the challenge to
Poyning’s Law. George Grenville seized the opportunity to make an
indirect reference to America. ‘I agree … that it is the duty of every
Minister to preserve entire the constitutional authority of GreatBritain over every part of the subjects of this Empire. I wish I could
say that had been done.’ But the administration was behaving in
Ireland as Charles II had done in England, taking money and then
proroguing Parliament. Edmund Burke denied that the Irish House of
Colonial powers and Ethiopian frontiers 1880–1884 is the fourth volume of Acta
Aethiopica, a series that presents original Ethiopian documents of
nineteenth-century Ethiopian history with English translations and scholarly
notes. The documents have been collected from dozens of archives in Africa and
Europe to recover and present the Ethiopian voice in the history of Ethiopia in
the nineteenth century. The present book, the first Acta Aethiopica volume to
appear from Lund University Press, deals with how Ethiopian rulers related to
colonial powers in their attempts to open Ethiopia for trade and technological
development while preserving the integrity and independence of their country. In
addition to the correspondence and treatises with the rulers and representatives
of Italy, Egypt and Great Britain, the volume also presents letters dealing with
ecclesiastical issues, including the Ethiopian community in Jerusalem.
, pp. 273–82.
35 Chatham Papers, I, 389–90.
36 Bowen, HJ, 34 (1991), 857–72.
37 Grafton Autobiography, p. 237. For the East India Company see Sutherland, East India Company, esp. pp. 49–269, and Bowen, Revenue and
38 Macartney Papers, p. xxxii, n. 82.
39 Johnston, GreatBritain and Ireland, pp. 256–69.
40 Johnston, GreatBritain and Ireland, pp. 120–78, 321–30.
41 BL Egerton MSS, 222, fo. 70.
42 HMC Charlemont, I, 144–5.
43 For the Bedford Viceroyalty see Powell, Thesis, pp. 57–82.
44 Devonshire Diary, p. 78.
the ILP during the First World War, when the Labour
Party largely supported the war, and the ILP opposed it. These
tensions extended into the 1920s and became particularly apparent
during the 1929–31 minority Labour government, which culminated
in the break with the ILP. However, perhaps the most significant
arguments within the party over the threat of a ‘party within the party’,
have arisen over the role of the Communist Party of GreatBritain
(CPGB). Marxist groups had been affiliated in the Labour Party’s early
years. For example, the SDF was involved in the
.S.A. and the U.S.S.R.’90 This hardly
differed from the Conservative Party’s manifesto, which stated that
‘Our alliance with Soviet Russia and our intimate friendship with the
U.S.A. can be maintained only if we show that our candour is matched
by our strength’, and that, ‘Our prevailing hope is that the foundations
[of peace] will be laid on the indissoluble agreement of GreatBritain,
the United States and Soviet Russia.’91 The only other Labour Party
comment referring to the Soviet Union was, ‘Let it not be forgotten
Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Sarah Grand and the sexual education of girls
Janet Beer and Ann Heilmann
their prehistoric sentiment as to the domestic relations. The world of science and
invention may change; industry, commerce and manufacturing may change;
but women and the home are supposed to remain as they are, forever.2
Gilman was not working in a vacuum. In 1893 in GreatBritain the
writer Sarah Grand had argued that human advancement was dependent
‘If I Were a Man’: Gilman and Grand
upon ‘the attributes of both minds, masculine and feminine, perfectly
united in one person of either sex’. In evidence everywhere in nature, this
‘union . . . of the male and
Indian [ sic ] were British, but the projects of state
building in both countries – documentation, legitimation,
classification, and bounding, and the institutions therewith
– often reflected theories, experiences, and practices
worked out originally in India and then applied to GreatBritain, as well as vice versa. Many aspects of metropolitan