Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making addresses debates on liberal peace and the policies of peacebuilding through a theoretical and empirical study of resistance in peacebuilding contexts. Examining the case of ‘Africa’s World War’ in the DRC, it locates resistance in the experiences of war, peacebuilding and state-making by exploring discourses, violence and everyday forms of survival as acts that attempt to challenge or mitigate such experiences. The analysis of resistance offers a possibility to bring the historical and sociological aspects of both peacebuilding and the case of the DRC, providing new nuanced understanding of these processes and the particular case.
appreciated, but they
and the party they created were marked by Britain’s position in the
world. Britain had been the first state to industrialise, and this too
affected Labour’s outlook and its perception of itself as a world player
in the international socialist and trade union movements. This chapter
starts by giving a brief introduction to the international context within
which the Labour Party emerged in terms of Britain’s role in the world,
before turning to the historicalsociology of the development of the
Labour Party itself.
Britain’s role in the world
this register of analysis. The Axial paradigm thus, refined, becomes a different
lens through which to view and understand problems familiar to neo-Weberian
sociologists: structural differentiation; coalescence and agency of intellectual
elites; access to and participation in the decision-making of states; religious
schism and movements of protest; and social action shaped by the balance of
worldly and transcendental religious ethics (Eisenstadt, 2002a: 256–64).
Questions about the historicalsociology of Axial civilisations surfaced in the
This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to
offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and
through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference
have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on
the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in
translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the
Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers
the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and
transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including
the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses
of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the
War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects
of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the
region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage
between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the
Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that
enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained
perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of
post-conflict international intervention developed.
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
images of civilisations as cohesive and self-contained forms.
On the other, it could be pressed into the service of historicalsociologies of
intra-civilisational and inter-civilisational encounters and indeed there is a relational accent in their essays. On balance, the relational image looks like it wins
out. This vein of theory is openly pluralistic and anthropological and at odds
with the proto-functionalist typology of segmentary societies of Durkheim’s
earlier work. Durkheim and Mauss give recognition to the complexity of indigenous cognitive systems and
have generally been studied under a global governance
framework. The very few historical-sociological approaches demonstrate that
little is known about how the reconstruction of state authority impacts on
peacebuilding (Bliesemann de Guevara 2012, 2015; Jung 2008; Migdal and
Schlichte 2005). As Newman argues,
Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
In historical perspective statebuilding has generally been a coercive and often a
violent process. Statebuilding involves imposing a unified, centralised state and subjugating peripheral regions, securing
for Modernity in
Africa and Asia (New York: Free Press, 1963), pp. 109–11.
7 A. D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism (London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 147–50.
8 See J. Armstrong, Nations Before Nationalism (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1982); J. Fishman, Language and Nationalism: Two Integrative Essays
(Rowley MA: Newbury House, 1972); and A. Hastings, The Construction of Nationhood
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
9 J. M. Hobson, ‘What’s at stake in bringing historicalsociology back into international
’s answer is that they do and with greater velocity in and through the
centres of culture and knowledge. We can say the results of his historicalsociology of the spread of knowledge are replicated in other zones outside the scope
of his study –specifically oceanic, coastal and new world connections. My work
in Chapters 6, 7 and 8 on the Pacific, Latin America and Japan suggest as much
also. In looking at the fourth dimension in Chapter 4, I focus on the differentiation of empire and civilisation in historical processes of communication and
certainties. On the other hand, disciplines such as sociology, at
the very least in the Euro-American academe, have only rarely
recently engaged with postcolonial perspectives (and decolonial
departures). Upon taking such steps, they have often intersected – critically and conceptually – with
work in historicalsociology that articulates colonial pasts, also
putting a distinct spin on sociological writings that