journalists and opposition politicians and violent attacks against Tutsi. In January 1993, both HumanRightsWatch (HRW) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) participated in a ten-member panel of international experts that investigated human rights abuses in Rwanda and published a devastating report that linked the government to all recent cases of anti-Tutsi ethnic violence and considered, given their nature, whether they might constitute genocide, though they suggested that the numbers killed might not reach the threshold to be labelled genocide
’ lexical dependence – for describing war, in particular – and second, their physical dependence on humanitarian organisations and its potential effect on the articles produced.
Timothy Longman was one of the authors of Alison Des Forges’ Leave None to Tell the Story , a study on the Rwandan genocide published in 1999 by HumanRightsWatch and the International Federation for Human Rights. He shows how innovative this study – conducted by a team of researchers – was, and how it continues to have validity despite new questions raised by other studies. He acknowledges
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South
Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper
early retreat by the military
force in place, leaving, as HumanRightsWatch put it, ‘civilians behind to
face the brunt of attacks from forces bent on pillage and revenge’ ( HumanRightsWatch, 2014 : 21). In Bentiu and
Leer, violence associated with the dynamics of offensives extended to the hospitals
run or supported by the Dutch section of MSF (MSF-Holland, hereafter MSF-H). What
motivated these specific acts of violence? And what were the effects of these
against human rights. Few local human rights organisations, such as the Violations Documentation Center ( VDC, 2020 ) and the Syrian Network for Human Rights ( Syrian Network for Human Rights, 2020a ), and international organisations, such as HumanRightsWatch ( HumanRightsWatch, 2020 ), were reporting these incidents as part of other human rights violations.
In this period, health humanitarian actors had a very primitive approach to reporting violence on healthcare merely for communication and advocacy purposes. For example, in November 2012 when the seven
. The real shock has been
to the human rights movement, wedded for too long to a deterministic view that its triumph was
inevitable. The panic, but more importantly the disorientation, one encounters these days in
the publications of groups like HumanRightsWatch and Amnesty International is an emblem of
This does not mean that coping with these changes will be easy or morally clear-cut for
humanitarians. It is hardly surprising that when its medical facilities and hospitals in Syria
were targeted and in
Telegraph reporter and a regular in conflict zones ( Deedes, 2004 ). But another aspect of the
Congolese context heightens this dependency: the number of armed groups in North and
South Kivu and their fragmentation. The Kivu Security Tracker database, a website
curated by researchers from the Congo Research Group (affiliated with the New York
University Center on International Cooperation) and HumanRightsWatch, lists 160
armed groups active in North and South Kivu provinces. 13 And though
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Italy and the EU are discussed in detail in Heller and Pezzani (2018) .
For the events unfolding on the Sea-Watch 3 , see, for example, the account of the ship’s captain ( Rackete and Weiss, 2019 ) and a documentary made for German television by two journalists who were on board the ship for the entire duration of its mission ( Kailouli and Schreijäg, 2019 ).
Human rights abuses suffered by migrants in Libya have been well documented by HumanRightsWatch (2019) , Global Detention Project (2018) and others.
On 7 July 2019 ( L
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith
( 2018 ), ‘ Sexual Violence or Torture? The
Framing of Sexual Violence against Men in Armed Conflict in Amnesty
International and HumanRightsWatch Reports ’, in
State–society relations and conflict in post-socialist Transcaucasia
actors, more or less loosely integrated by a mixture of personal ties and utilitarian considerations (Kaldor 1999). Making use of and even encouraging the dissolution of state power, these actors reap substantial proﬁts from the removal of
any kind of institutional constraint on the pursuit of self-interest at the expense
of the public. The Transcaucasian mode of warfare, described in various reports
from international organisations such as HumanRightsWatch (HumanRightsWatch 1995), provides a wide range of empirical illustrations for the validation
called a likely ‘crime against humanity’.3 It was in Rabaa where Egypt’s revolutionary
Over the course of twelve hours, Egyptian security personnel used a range of tactics
and weapons including bulldozers and supported by snipers, security personnel entered
the square to disperse protesters to devastating effect. Yet the Rabaa massacre was not
an isolated incident. Shortly afterwards, protesters were dispersed from al-Nahda in
a similar manner, while further Brotherhood protests were also ended with violence.