Caribbean migration to Britain brought many new things—new music, new foods, new styles. It brought new ways of thinking too. This book explores the intellectual ideas that the West Indians brought with them to Britain. It shows that, for more than a century, West Indians living in Britain developed a dazzling intellectual critique of the codes of Imperial Britain. Chapters discuss the influence of, amongst others, C. L. R. James, Una Marson, George Lamming, Jean Rhys, Claude McKay and V. S. Naipaul. The contributors draw from many different disciplines to bring alive the thought and personalities of the figures they discuss, providing a picture of intellectual developments in Britain from which we can still learn much. The introduction argues that the recovery of this Caribbean past, on the home territory of Britain itself, reveals much about the prospects of multiracial Britain.
on the nature of ‘imperialBritishness’, James’s
relevant writings are extremely scattered and mostly brief. This must
have been because British society and culture were not strange to him as
America’s were: ‘Britishness’ was for James a largely
pre-given cultural milieu more often than it was the object of active
investigation. Yet James in the USA was intensely engaged in analysing
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this
volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of
violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities
across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications
of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the
study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical
significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the
myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and
non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the
Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex
than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance.
Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale
violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum,
ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was
privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early
modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent
forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in
activities not officially classed as war.
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
, 1932 ), 575–6.
Bill Nasson, ‘Why They Fought: Black Cape
Colonists and the Imperial Wars, 1899–1918’, International
Journal of African Historical Studies 37, no. 1 (2004):
See Andrew Thompson, ImperialBritain: The
debts in: (1) colonial America before and after its revolutionary war
with imperialBritain, and (2) the indemnity largely forced on a newly
independent republic of Haiti founded by a successful slave revolution.
As we shall see, and as addressed in Chapter 2, a key facet of instituting
a “national” debt is not only that it was initially capitalized by a
small coterie of private social forces but also that it was meant to be
Debt as Power
permanent. Without this institutional permanence, debt could not act
as a technology of organized power mobilized by
British masculinities, pomophobia, and the post-nation
of masculinist and nationalist discourses within a patriarchal context and, moreover, to disclose the representational symptoms of these discourses’ critical decline as interpellative
models of successful self-identification in post-imperialBritain. Finally,
shifting its focus to a discussion of masculine modes of self-representation in contemporary Scottish men’s writing, the essay highlights the
utopian potentialities of subnational emancipation; at the same time, it
questions the ultimate political viability of any devolutionary attempt to
with blackness, nor does
it present white males as the categorical antithesis of degeneration. On the
contrary: the writing of Haggard and a number of his late nineteenth-century contemporaries is where these presumptions are challenged.7
Degeneration is for these thinkers a fear of the debilitation of the
imperialBritish race, occasioned by the development of modern industrial and financial capitalism itself. Modernisation, in other words, is held
responsible, and in a number of ways: it enervates the proletariat, it
destroys the labouring agrarian classes, it
–1965 (Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2006); G. Rist, The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith (New York: Zed Books, 1999); Kiely, Politics of Labour .
8 M. Worboys, “Science and British Colonial Imperialism, 1895–1940” (DPhil, University of Sussex, 1979); Hodge, Triumph of the Expert ; R. Drayton, Nature’s Government: Science, ImperialBritain and the “Improvement” of the World (London: Yale University Press, 2000).
9 Constantine, British Colonial Development Policy ; Havinden and Meredith
Goodenough had come, by 1875, to represent imperialBritish exploration to a degree almost comparable with that earlier achieved by Cook, Messer perhaps hoped to increase perceptions of the significance of his report by revealing the commodore to be vulnerable to malign and superstitious influences. What is certain is that the Pearl had recently become a site of peculiar significance to debates concerning the best means of ‘modernising’ South Pacific cultures; as experts in unrelated fields, it is tempting to imagine Goodenough and Messer arguing for the relative merits