This book explores modernity, the disciplines, and their interplay by drawing in critical considerations of time, space, and their enmeshments. Based in anthropology and history, and drawing on social-political theory (as well as other, complementary, critical perspectives), it focuses on socio-spatial/disciplinary subjects and hierarchical-coeval tousled temporalities. The spatial/temporal templates reveal how modern enticements and antinomies, far from being analytical abstractions, intimate instead ontological attributes and experiential dimensions of the worlds in which we live, and the spaces and times that we inhabit and articulate. Then, the book considers the oppositions and enchantments, the contradictions and contentions, and the identities and ambivalences spawned under modernity. At the same time, rather than approach such antinomies, enticements, and ambiguities as analytical errors or historical lacks, which await their correction or overcoming, it attempts to critically yet cautiously unfold these elements as constitutive of modern worlds. The book draws on social theory, political philosophy, and other scholarship in the critical humanities in order to make its claims concerning the mutual binds between everyday oppositions, routine enchantments, temporal ruptures, and spatial hierarchies of a modern provenance. Then, it turns to issues of identity and modernity. Finally, the book explores the terms of modernism on the Indian subcontinent.
This epilogue turns attention to
salient subjects of a modernist provenance on the Indiansubcontinent.
Now, in South Asia, a certain haziness regarding modernism and modernity
derives not only from the manner in which they can be elided with each
other, but the fact that they are both frequently filtered through the
optics of modernization. At stake is the acute, albeit altering
and gender and class divisions as constitutive of colonial cultures,
postcolonial locations, and Western orders. 19
Accompanying these developments, from the end of the 1970s
critical departures were afoot in the history writing of the Indiansubcontinent. Reassessments of nationalism in South Asia were often
central to such endeavors. 20 Here an important role was played by the
formation of the
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
-Caribbean descent, a few residents from the
Indiansub-continent and groups of Chinese immigrants, but they had been
insignificant in size or impact. Then everything began to change in the second
half of the 1950s.
The first significant wave of non-white immigration occurred in the 1950s.
This was a time of full employment and there were significant shortages of
labour in such fields as the health service and public transport. To meet the
shortages, the government introduced a system of subsidised immigration,
most from the West Indies. With expenses paid, the new immigrants were
The short history of Indian doctors in the Colonial Medical Service, British East Africa
Anna Greenwood and Harshad Topiwala
trend for Indians to seek opportunities in the area was far from new. 10 Evidence from as early
as AD 120 suggests the movement of people and trade between the Indiansubcontinent and the African East Coast, and by the thirteenth century
trading excursions by both Indians and Arabs to the African coast were
commonplace, with dhows regularly moving between the shores of India,
the Persian Gulf and East Africa using the seasonal
Ethnicity and popular music in British cultural studies
immigrants was necessarily even-handed.
In the preface to The Empire Strikes Back (1982, hereafter Empire), for
example, Gilroy acknowledged the relative lack of attention that the
authors had paid to the South Asian ethnic group in Britain, explaining:
‘[we] have struck an inadequate balance between the two black communities. Only one of us has roots in the Indiansubcontinent whereas four
are of Afro-Caribbean origin. This accounts for the unevenness of our
text’ (CCCS 1982: 7).
Notwithstanding this particular asymmetry, though, the point that I
want to make here is that
by Chinese labour’ (Parl. Deb. 1888). Rather than being treated as British
subjects, these labourers were instead translated into ‘unwanted’ remnants
of the Empire. They could be subject to expulsion because the rights
of ‘imperial citizenship’ could not stick.
As I demonstrated in chapter 2, this was how imperial citizenship
was managed on an everyday level across the Empire: from dismantling
direct shipping routes from the Indiansubcontinent to settler states
such as Canada, to medical inspections at the border, to the enactment
of deportation and
the Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM) process, which perhaps
for the first time forced ‘Asia’ to decide what it was – and
in the process, rejected both the Indiansub-continent and
Australasia as comprised in Asia.
So what the Asian values debate helps clarify is what
Asia is not – it is not the advanced industrialized and democratized West. It is also framed by a world-view in many
Asian governmental elites that is suspicious of the motives
of the West in trying to condition developments in the
region. And in many cases, the West is synonymous with
provided a continued site
for ideas of inheritance and family to be sustained and reimagined.
Radhika Singha (2000) argues that the East India Company consolidated control over India in the eighteenth century primarily through
the regulation of movement. This process necessitated experimentation
in colonial government and the birth of many modern policing and
border methods. The emergent colonial state began to intensify forms
of sedentarism with the hope of controlling forms of ‘risky’ movement
across the Indiansubcontinent (see Sleeman 1839 as a key architect of