Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe

given that sense of belonging in the distribution of power and resources. This is why there appears to be a common view that Nigeria is not united. Bertrand: Kevin, can you tell us where Biafra matters from your perspective? Kevin: When I first came to work on Biafra, it was because of the impact it had on Ireland and, in particular, how a crisis of that nature transformed the way that Irish people encountered the Third World [ Bateman, 2012 ; O

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Critical reflections on the Celtic Tiger

Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.

An introduction to the book
Colin Coulter

, inebriated and violent. Elements of these deeply unflattering representations of Irishness have persisted into the present day. It comes as little surprise when watching The Simpsons – to take a fairly innocuous example – that we discover that the amiably boorish drunk Barney Gumble hails from Irish stock. In recent times, however, the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The specific advertisement

in The end of Irish history?
The tragedy (and comedy) of accelerated modernisation
Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling

the casualties of accelerated modernisation are swept away by a tide of events that they themselves have helped to set in motion. As Berman says, ‘The deepest horrors of Faustian development spring from its most honourable aims and its most authentic achievements’.9 Goethe’s Faust symbolises the aspirations of modern people for full and unlimited development and their often terrible and beautiful unforeseeable consequences. Homer Simpson sells his soul for a doughnut to the Devil in the form of Ned Flanders, and Irish people are at times happy to trade everything

in The end of Irish history?
Open Access (free)
The Republic and Northern Ireland since 1990
Michael Parker

-contested referendum the Irish people agreed to modify the Constitution permitting divorce when couples had been living apart for more than four years.21 These liberalising measures made it onto the statute books in part because of a series of crises that destabilised the Catholic Church in Ireland during the 1990s, which caused considerable diminution in its authority. Even before the Bishop of Galway, Eamonn Casey, was exposed as the father of a child in May 1992, unease at the Church’s near-hegemonic position within the state had been growing.22 A succession of exposés in the

in Irish literature since 1990
The return of the repressed in Roddy Doyle’s Paula Spencer
Jennifer M. Jeffers

or culturally different people. Yet, even in the 1990s the idea of the Irish as racialist ‘innocent’ persisted: On the one hand, Irish insularity was seen as responsible for discrimination because it generates fear of foreigners, and of cultural and physical differences. On the other hand, Irish insularity and homogeneity means that Irish people lack knowledge about other societies and cultures, and have no experience of living with difference. So from this perspective, Irish people do not intend to discriminate, they simply do not know any better, yet.13 This

in Irish literature since 1990
Sinéad Kennedy

5 Irish women and the Celtic Tiger economy SINÉAD KENNEDY The term ‘Celtic Tiger’ has connotations that extend well beyond the realm of the purely economic. It has, for instance, become a metaphor for a new national consensus that constantly reminds us how ‘we have never had it so good’. This chapter takes issue with this consensus and argues instead that, while the recent boom in the Irish Republic has produced enormous wealth for a small minority, the majority of Irish people have benefited little from this apparent economic miracle. In fact, there has been a

in The end of Irish history?
Community, language and culture under the Celtic Tiger
Steve Coleman

cultural and ethnic hybridity (through conquest and the movement of labour power) as well as extreme social and economic inequality. In reaction to this, the Irish state has made periodic attempts to impose (and, if necessary, to invent) a homogeneously ‘indigenous’ Irish language and culture, in part to legitimate itself as the true expression of the Irish people. But the perceived symbolic power of English has been enduringly attractive to Irish elites. In fact, only the lower echelons of the state civil service embraced Irish.8 The Irish state has not been able to

in The end of Irish history?
Racism, immigration and the state
Steve Loyal

mistaken to believe that contemporary asylum seekers and economic migrants are disrupting the contours of an otherwise unitary and homogeneous Irish society. Such notions of homogeneity invariably form a central part of nationalistic state discourses.4 The presence of Travellers and Protestants and Black-Irish people bears witness to the fact that Irish society, although relatively homogeneous in terms of whiteness and Christianity, was always more diverse than it claimed to be.5 Moreover, a limited, but culturally significant, degree of Jewish immigration at the turn of

in The end of Irish history?
Patrick Doyle

On 7 January 1922 Dáil Eireann narrowly accepted the Anglo-Irish Treaty that led to the establishment of the Irish Free State. 1 During the contentious and bitter debates held in Dublin, former friends and allies disagreed over whether to accept or reject the Treaty. The co-operative movement's leaders emphatically supported those who urged its acceptance, which indicated a desire to secure a close accommodation with the incoming government. Æ urged the Irish people to support the Treaty or risk plunging Ireland back into ‘scenes of bloodshed far beyond anything

in Civilising rural Ireland