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religious structures, from the late fourteenth century, shaped its migration history in many ways (Sugar 1977 ; Hoare 2007 ; Wachtel 2008 ). Authorities directly settled Anatolian Turkish cavalrymen on conquered land as ‘timariots’ who taxed local peasants and raised troops, while Ottoman trade-routes developed towns like Sarajevo and Thessaloniki into provincial capitals, refuges for many Sephardic Jews expelled from Spain in 1492. The Ottoman politics of conversion to Islam, necessary for South Slavs and other Catholic/Orthodox Christians seeking bureaucratic
Moses by the Lord (Exodus 20), was the birth of constitutionalism (Finer 1997). For the first time in history, a polity established the principle that the power of the king, or ruler, was restricted by a higher law. As a political historian has observed ‘the monarch [was] bound by an explicit and written law code imposed upon him, coequally with his subjects, from the outside’ (Finer 1997: 239, italics in the original). In introducing this doctrine, the Jews established, before anyone else – and at a time when unrestricted despotism was the order of the day – the
distinct from ‘ethnicity’ in Yugoslav national identity narratives (Longinović 2011 ). The ‘Dinaric race’ described by the Yugoslav anthropologist Vladimir Dvorniković had offered certain forms of interwar Yugoslavism a category that unified Bosnian Muslims, Croats, Serbs and Montenegrins but excluded Jews, Albanians and Roma. Slovenian attachment to ‘Europe’ in the 1980s did not use the language of race but for Longinović was simultaneously attachment to whiteness, marking the Balkans as a space on a fundamentally lower civilisational level and thus racialising the
’, a tacit agreement among whites not to know of racialised Others' suffering, involves not just creating and legitimising systemic inequality between differently racialised groups but also the boundaries of whiteness and non-whiteness altering to tend towards (without predetermining) the ‘limited expansion’ of whiteness over time: this, for what Mills ( 1997 : 78–9) calls ‘ “borderline” Europeans, white people with a question mark’, including ‘the Irish, Slavs, Mediterraneans, and above all … Jews’, is the ambiguity of racialisation in northern European and settler
. Romani minorities When discussing statelessness and the position of minorities, Arendt does not mention Romani minorities despite the fact they were subjected to similar citizenship deprivation practices to Jews before and during World War II (Sardelić, 2017c ). Roma were not recognised as a minority in the Minority Treaties, and Arendt only examined the position of minorities mentioned in them. Romani minorities faced statelessness during the disintegration both of Czechoslovakia and of former Yugoslavia (Sardelić, 2015 ). The fact that both
4 A civic profession of faith: Rousseau’s and nationalism When Heinrich Heine, the German poet, visited Italy in 1828 he noted in his diary: It is as if World History is seeking to become spiritual … she has a great task. What it is? It is emancipation. Not just the emancipation of the Irish, the Greeks, the Jews and the Blacks of the West Indies. No, the emancipation of the whole world, especially in Europe, where the peoples have reached maturity. (Heine quoted in Gell 1998: 13) In seeking national self-determination Heine was preaching a new doctrine, one
of national victimhood, prominent public roles for religious organisations, constriction of women's public participation, demographic panics about ethnic majorities, and weakened reproductive rights – after state socialism collapsed (Verdery 1994 : 250). Racism and xenophobia against Roma, Jews, other minorities and historic ethnic Others, plus undocumented migrants crossing into the EU, were another dimension of postsocialist ‘nation-building’ (Bošković 2006 : 560), creating what the Slovenian sociologist Tonči Kuzmanić ( 2002 : 21) termed a ‘new … post