This book is an attempt to take stock of how some of the British Labour Party's leading interpreters have analysed their subject, deriving as they do from contrasting political, theoretical, disciplinary and methodological backgrounds. It explores their often-hidden assumptions and subjects them to critical evaluation. The book outlines five strategies such as materialist; ideational; electoral; institutional; and synthetic strategies. Materialist, ideational and electoral explanatory strategies account for Labour's ideological trajectory in factors exogenous to the party. The 'new political history' is useful in understanding Labour within a less reductive framework than either the 'high' or 'from below' approaches and in more novel terms than the Left-Right positions adopted within Labour. The book assesses the contribution made to analysis of the Labour Party and labour history by thinkers of the British New Left. New Left critiques of labourism in fact represented and continued a strand of Marxist thinking on the party that can be traced back to its inception. If Ralph Miliband's role in relation to 'Bennism' is considered in comparison to his earlier attitudes, some striking points emerge about the interaction between the analytical and subjective aspects in his interpretive framework. Miliband tried to suggest that the downfall of communism was advantageous for the Left, given the extent to which the Soviet regimes had long embarrassed Western socialists such as himself. The Nairn-Anderson theses represented an ambitious attempt to pioneer a distinctive analysis of British capitalist development, its state, society and class structure.
This is the first book in a two-volume set that traces the evolution of the Labour Party's foreign policy throughout the twentieth century and into the early years of the new millennium. It is a comprehensive study of the political ideology and history of the Labour Party's world-view and foreign policy. The set argues that the development of Labour's foreign policy perspective should be seen not as the development of a socialist foreign policy, but as an application of the ideas of liberal internationalism. The first volume outlines and assesses the early development and evolution of Labour's world-view. It then follows the course of the Labour Party's foreign policy during a tumultuous period on the international stage, including the First World War, the Russian Revolution, the Spanish Civil War, the build-up to and violent reality of the Second World War, and the start of the Cold War. The book provides an analysis of Labour's foreign policy during this period, in which Labour experienced power for the first time.
How to study the LabourParty:
contextual, analytical and theoretical issues
The political analysis and the political economy of the British LabourParty have
tended to concern themselves principally with the concrete and the substantive.
This is both unremarkable and entirely legitimate. Yet something is potentially
lost. For while an aim of the present collection is to discuss the principal positions
of some of the leading exponents in this literature, it cannot be doubted that the
Ralph Miliband and the LabourParty:
from Parliamentary Socialism to ‘Bennism’
Ralph Miliband completed Parliamentary Socialism at the end of 1960 and it was
published in October 1961. This proved to be probably the most influential book
on the LabourParty written during the post-war era – possibly the most significant of any period. As chapter 5 will confirm, the book helped shape a whole school
of left-wing interpretations of the party (Coates 2002; Panitch and Leys 1997)
and established an analytical
The LabourParty, pacifism
and the Spanish Civil War
On 18 September 1931 Japan invaded China on the pretext that a
Japanese railway in Manchuria had suffered from Chinese sabotage.
Japanese troops over-ran Manchuria and set up a puppet state. China
appealed to the League of Nations for assistance under Article 11 of
the Covenant, and the League responded by asking Japan to evacuate
the territory it had occupied. Japan, which had signed up to the
Covenant of the League of Nations and the Briand-Kellogg Pact
The main political influences
on the development of the
LabourParty’s attitudes towards
The LabourParty was born out of domestic political discontent, and
its policies – to a greater extent forged in opposition up until the 1940s
– tended to reflect this. Because of these two factors, Labour’s foreign
policy reflected the party itself, the beliefs and standpoints of the
various groups that came together to create it, and the dynamics
between them, rather than necessarily the external world and
This book is the first in the new series The Labour Governments 1964–70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson's tenure as Prime Minister. It deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960's cultural revolution. The book is grounded in original research, takes account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson's ministerial colleagues, and constructs a total history of the party at this critical moment in history. It situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women in society, rising immigration, the widening generation gap, and increasing calls for direct participation in politics. Together with the other volumes in the series, on international policy and economic policy, the book provides an insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson's government.
The Conservative Party's survival as a significant political force was now open to serious question for the first time since the crisis over the Corn Laws. The Labour Party has commanded a fairly consistent level of attention, whether in office or in opposition. But it seems that the Conservatives are fated to be regarded either as unavoidable or irrelevant. This book presents an analysis that suggests that the party leader plays a less important role in Conservative recoveries than a distinctive policy programme and an effective party organization. It examines the Conservative position on a series of key issues, highlighting the difficult dilemmas which confronted the party after 1997, notably on economic policy. New Labour's acceptance of much of the main thrust of Thatcherite economic policy threw the Conservatives off balance. The pragmatism of this new position and the 'In Europe, not run by Europe' platform masked a significant move towards Euro-skepticism. The book also traces how the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Parties adapted to the creation of the Scottish Parliament, exploring the re-organisation of the Scottish party, its electoral fortunes and political prospects in the new Scottish politics. It examines issues of identity and nationhood in Conservative politics in the 1997-2001 period, focusing on the 'English Question' and the politics of 'race'. The predictable results of the Conservatives' failure to develop an attractive, consistent narrative are then analysed. Right-wing populist parties with charismatic leaders enjoyed some electoral success under the proportional representation systems in 2002.
May , https://aidintime.wordpress.com/2015/05/06/overseas-aid-and-the-general-election-what-the-major-parties-say-about-humanitarian-relief-and-international-development/
Riley , C.
L. ( 2017 ),
‘“ The Winds of Change Are Blowing
Economically’: The LabourParty and British Overseas
Labour and the First World War
The LabourParty grew only moderately in parliamentary strength
following its 1906 election success of thirty seats, gaining forty seats in
the election of January 1910, and forty-two seats in the election the
following December.1 However, the labour movement in general was
growing significantly in terms of its economic, social and political
impact, with trade union membership increasing from just under two
million in 1900 to over four million in 1914, at a time of rising union