The impossibility of reason
Author: Mads Qvortrup

This book presents an overview of Jean–Jacques Rousseau's work from a political science perspective. Was Rousseau — the great theorist of the French Revolution—really a conservative? The text argues that the author of ‘The Social Contract’ was a constitutionalist much closer to Madison, Montesquieu, and Locke than to revolutionaries. Outlining his profound opposition to Godless materialism and revolutionary change, this book finds parallels between Rousseau and Burke, as well as showing that Rousseau developed the first modern theory of nationalism. It presents an integrated political analysis of Rousseau's educational, ethical, religious and political writings.

The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio

, 2008; Jessop, 2002: 42; for a further discussion, see MacKenzie and Martínez Lucio, 2014). To this extent, the question of coordination of such levels and different approaches in public policy and state agencies politically and organisationally is one we need to be alert to (Crouch, 1993). What is more, the state intervenes not just in social spaces but also in ideological ones where specific issues, sensibilities and even national debates develop and configure the nature and impact of state policies (Locke and Thelen, 2006). Within these social and ideological

in Making work more equal
Reasonable tolerance

The idea of toleration as the appropriate response to difference has been central to liberal thought since Locke. Although the subject has been widely and variously explored, there has been reluctance to acknowledge the new meaning that current debates offer on toleration. This book starts from a clear recognition of the new terms of the debate, reflecting the capacity of seeing the other's viewpoint, and the limited extent to which toleration can be granted. Theoretical statements on toleration posit at the same time its necessity in democratic societies, and its impossibility as a coherent ideal. There are several possible objections to, and ways of developing the ideal of, reasonable tolerance as advocated by John Rawls and by some other supporters of political liberalism. The first part of the book explores some of them. In some real-life conflicts, it is unclear on whom the burden of reasonableness may fall. This part discusses the reasonableness of pluralism, and general concept and various more specific conceptions of toleration. The forces of progressive politics have been divided into two camps: redistribution and recognition. The second part of the book is an attempt to explore the internal coherence of such a transformation when applied to different contexts. It argues that openness to others in discourse, and their treatment as free and equal, is part of a kind of reflexive toleration that pertains to public communication in the deliberative context. Social ethos, religious discrimination and education are discussed in connection with tolerance.

Libraries, friends and conversation
Justin Champion

, Selden, Herbert of Cherbury and John Locke) which might be considered unorthodox in the wrong company, but which also were a staple of many clerical libraries. Owning copies of the Gospel of Nicodemus, the works of Hermes Trismegisticus, and Claude Berigard’s Circulus Pisanus did not necessarily imply a bent towards heresy or heterodoxy, since they were works that cropped up in other scholarly libraries with unremarkable frequency. What can be said then about any man from his books? It has been a commonplace of historical studies to try to deduce the intellectual

in Republican learning
Open Access (free)
The reception of Christianity not mysterious, 1696–1702
Justin Champion

written. That work was Christianity not mysterious, published without Toland’s name or details of either publisher or bookseller between December 1695 and June 1696. Draft ‘papers’ had possibly been sent to John Locke in late March 1695, via his friend John Freke.5 Reports about Toland’s work were widespread in Oxford through the year.6 Advertisements for the work appeared in the Post-Man in late December 1695. By early June the book was being attacked from London pulpits for its ‘most arrogant and impudent treatment of God and the Holy Scriptures’.7 By late June 1696

in Republican learning
Matt Matravers and Susan Mendus

epistemological or metaphysical underpinnings. But if belief matters, in what sense exactly does it matter, and what kind of defence of ‘impartialist liberalism’ can be generated from the contention that belief matters? One way of answering this question may be found by turning to the philosophy of John Locke. In Political Liberalism, Rawls refers approvingly to Locke’s defence of toleration, and it is not difficult to see the parallels between that defence and Rawls’s own endorsement of epistemological restraint: both writers eschew a defence of toleration grounded in

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

controversy; it merely gives it a powerful emotional charge. Further difficulties have arisen as philosophers have tried to establish the rational basis of human rights. John Locke, for example, argued that human rights are ‘God-given’, but modern secularisation has lessened the impact of this assertion. Man’s claim to special treatment among living things by virtue of his capacity for moral choice, his intellectual

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Alan Cromartie

sphere, intrusion on which is a violation of individual prerogatives. The origins of this attitude are usually and probably rightly traced to the political theory of John Locke (1632–1704), who founded his ideas upon a duty, given by God, of preserving one’s self (and secondarily others), and therefore of protecting all the rights (revealingly known by Locke as ‘Property’) by which that preservation was assured. There seem to

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Rex Martin

exceptional cases. In this theory, usually associated with Hobbes and Locke in particular, a contract (sometimes called ‘consent to government’) is said both to authorise a government to make laws and to bind subjects to strict obedience. Actually the theories of Hobbes and Locke are not quite so simple as this. Locke argues that, at a certain point (that is, upon reaching the age of adulthood and then by staying

in Political concepts
Ross M. English

Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Behind the Declaration were the ideas of eighteenth-century philosophers and writers such as Thomas Paine and John Locke, which were prevalent among the aristocracy of the time. Particularly influential was Locke’s social contract theory (see Box 1.1). These ideas would go on to play a large part in the writing of the Constitution. The War of

in The United States Congress