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Omaka , A.
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‘Through the Imperial Lens: The
This book presents an overview of Jean–Jacques Rousseau's work from a political science perspective. Was Rousseau — the great theorist of the French Revolution—really a conservative? The text argues that the author of ‘The Social Contract’ was a constitutionalist much closer to Madison, Montesquieu, and Locke than to revolutionaries. Outlining his profound opposition to Godless materialism and revolutionary change, this book finds parallels between Rousseau and Burke, as well as showing that Rousseau developed the first modern theory of nationalism. It presents an integrated political analysis of Rousseau's educational, ethical, religious and political writings.
. Among the latter we may cite Aristotle,
Cicero, Locke, Montesquieu, Madison, Hayek and possibly even
Machiavelli (McCormick 2001: 297).
Like all dichotomies this one stretches reality, and may become
inaccurate and even absurd when applied too rigorously. However, as a
heuristic device it may serve a purpose, namely by identifying the common
denominators which we might otherwise overlook. Moreover, this
distinction can even be found in the empirical literature (Ertmann 1997),
as well as theorists have used the distinction for hundreds of years. Thus
in 1476 the
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this
volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of
violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities
across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications
of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the
study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical
significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the
myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and
non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the
Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex
than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance.
Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale
violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum,
ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was
privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early
modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent
forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in
activities not officially classed as war.
This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen
science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth
age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within
environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists
have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging
in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics
has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of
science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living
with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary
contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American
hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental
controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,”
citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding
toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory
environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing,
witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for
seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of
engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of
critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will
also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the
book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues,
as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen
science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors
in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from
emerging scholars and community activists.
Applications; Freedom to Attach Personal
Devices; Freedom to Obtain Service Plan Information. 20
The ‘Four Freedoms’
were formalised as regulatory policy in the FCC Internet Policy
Statement of August 2005. 21
In Madison River , 22 the FCC enforced these policy principles.
Madison River is a small consumer IAP and
like John F. Kennedy – understood that sacrifice is a
necessary part of a working polity. He was never an institutionalist (like
Madison or Mill), though he greatly admired Montesquieu. He approvingly
cited the latter’s observation – from Considérations sur les causes de la
grandeur des Romains et leur décadance – that ‘at the birth of societies it is
the legislators who shape the institutions, after that it is the institutions
who shape the legislators’ (III: 381). (Although he also stressed that
institutions were not the only factors to shape the law